Stop crying racism, sexism – the 1960s are over

david_masciotraby David Masciotra

The 1960s divided America. An activist and rebellious youth fought, sang and partied for more freedom and equality. The Civil Rights Movement, the free speech campaign at Berkeley and anti-Vietnam war protests helped push America into a necessary blender of tumult and turbulence.

Now, one of the divides of contemporary American culture separates those who celebrate the progress, changes and improvements the country has made in the past five decades, and those who believe we still live in the 1960s.

Trapped in a sociopolitical version of the movie “Groundhog Day,” there is a powerful cadre of citizens devoted to maintaining the fight against racism, sexism and other “isms,” even though, thankfully, the prejudices of the past lose relevance every day.

The U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled to remove a section of the Voting Rights Act that placed the voting laws and procedures of Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, Texas and Virginia, under federal authority. Lawmakers passed the provision in 1965, because the singled-out states had such a cruel record of racism. No reasonable person believed that elected leaders in those states would fairly implement the reforms of the Voting Rights Act and open the polls to black voters. It was a good move and one that ensured accountability. Consider that in Mississippi, in the 1964 election, black voter turnout was a mere 6 percent.

But in 2012, the percentage of black voters in Mississippi, along with black voter turnout in eight of the nine states singled out by the law, was higher than white voter turnout. Looking at the new data confirms that the worst offenders of voter suppression in the 1960s have now achieved voter equality. Chief Justice Roberts wrote that there was no good reason to continue to punish states based on “40-year-old facts having no logical relationship to the present day.”

President Obama disagreed, claiming “deep disappointment in the ruling.” Al Sharpton said that the decision “cancels Martin Luther King’s dream” and Bill Maher called it “racism 2.0.” The fact that a higher percentage of black people than white people in the previously punished states voted for a black president, who won re-election, is of no importance to Sharpton, Maher or even that president.

It’s not just in the campaign to divide the country between “racists” and egalitarians that statistics, evidence and logical argument are dismissed.

President Obama won re-election in part because he convinced a significant percentage of the electorate that American culture, led by the Republican Party, is waging a patriarchal “war on women.” Obama, naturally, was the knighted dragon slayer dedicated to protecting every maiden from attack.

The problem with the sexism narrative is that women now graduate college at higher rates than men. They hold 51.4 percent of managerial positions. They are rising in all the professions, while men are dropping, and in married households, they account for 40 percent of breadwinners.

In America, leading institutions were undeniably at one time racist and sexist, but we have steadily marched toward equality. Racism and sexism, like all forms of evil, will never die, because evil itself is ineradicable, but they maintain no influence over the general culture.

But in liberal “Groundhog Day,” America of 2013 is just like America of 1965.

One of the college courses I teach is African-American Literature and Blues and Jazz Music. I instruct my students that the beauty and brutality of American history is impossible to understand or appreciate without a full confrontation with the role that race has played in the formation and evolution of the country.

It is important to study history and realize that America, like any country, will never become a sociological Eden. But to parrot the slogans of 1968, while rejecting the evidence that proves their vacuity, is to not only to deny reality, but also to encourage racial resentment and gender tension and advance a debilitating culture of victimhood. It also ignores the real problems of today — the lack of economic opportunity leading to upward mobility, our failing public schools and the infringements on personal freedom.

The crises of the 21st century are solvable only by people living in the 21st century.

Masciotra is the author of “All That We Learned About Livin’: The Art and Legacy of John Mellencamp” (forthcoming, The University Press of Kentucky) and “Against Traffic: Essays on Politics and Identity.” For more information visit www.davidmasciotra.com.

How the 1960s’ Riots Hurt African-Americans

Detroit race riot in 1967

South Africa is currently going through a period of intense social unrest, characterised by so-called “service-delivery protests”. It is estimated that last year 5% of the country’s black population participated in some form of protest action or rioting. The long-term effects could be considerable, as may be learned from this American study of the aftermath of black rioting in the USA during the 1960’s.

How the 1960s’ Riots Hurt African-Americans

by David R. Francis, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, Massachusetts

“The riots had economically significant negative effects on blacks’ income and employment. Further, those effects may have been larger in the long run – from 1960 to 1980 – than in the short run – from 1960 to 1970.”

“The riots significantly depressed the median value of black-owned property between 1960 and 1970, with little or no rebound in the 1970s.”

Any American of a certain age remembers the race-related riots that tore through U. S. numerous cities in the 1960s. Between 1964 and 1971, civil disturbances (as many as 700, by one count) resulted in large numbers of injuries, deaths, and arrests, as well as considerable property damage, concentrated in predominantly black areas.

Although the United States has experienced race-related civil disturbances throughout its history, the 1960s events were unprecedented in their frequency and scope. Law enforcement authorities took extraordinary measures to end the riots, sometimes including the mobilization of National Guard units. The most deadly riots were in Detroit (1967), Los Angeles (1965), and Newark (1967). Measuring riot severity by also including arrests, injuries, and arson adds Washington (1968) to that list. Particularly following the death of Martin Luther King in April 1968, the riots signaled the end of the carefully orchestrated, non-violent demonstrations of the early Civil Rights Movement.

Social scientists have studied the causes of the riots for a long time. Now two NBER papers by William Collins and Robert Margo instead examine the economic impact of the riots on African Americans and on the cities where they took place. In the first paper, The Labor Market Effects of the 1960s Riots (NBER Working Paper No. 10243), they find that the riots had economically significant negative effects on blacks’ income and employment. Further, those effects may have been larger in the long run – from 1960 to 1980 – than in the short run – from 1960 to 1970.

Until 1975, the racial gap in average earnings among full-time male workers in the United States narrowed. There were periods of sharp convergence, as in the 1940s, alternating with periods of relative stasis, as in the 1950s and early 1960s. After 1970, racial convergence in earnings slowed markedly, in part because many low-wage black males were no longer engaged in full-time work, the authors note. The proportion of blacks living in high-poverty urban neighborhoods increased as well, and residential segregation led to increasingly poor socioeconomic outcomes among young blacks. In this context, Collins and Margo attempt to detect whether the riots contributed to a downward economic spiral that hurt employment opportunities, incomes, and property values.

Although they characterize their baseline estimates as “tentative,” Collins and Margo find a relative decline in median black family income of approximately 9 percent in cities that experienced severe riots relative to those that did not, controlling for several other relevant city characteristics. There is also some evidence of an adverse effect on adult male employment rates, particularly in the 1970s. Between 1960 and 1980, severe riot cities had relative declines in male employment rates of 4 to 7 percentage points. Individual-level data for the 1970s suggests that this decline was especially large for men under the age of 30.

In the second paper, The Economic Aftermath of the 1960s Riots: Evidence from Property Values (NBER Working Paper No. 10493), Margo and Collins investigate the influence of riots on central city residential property values, especially black-owned properties. They find that the riots significantly depressed the median value of black-owned property between 1960 and 1970, with little or no rebound in the 1970s. The baseline estimates for severe-riot cities relative to small-or-no-riot cities range from approximately 14 to 20 percent for black-owned properties, and from 6 to 10 percent for all central-city residential properties. Household-level data for the 1970s indicate that the racial gap in property values widened substantially in riot-afflicted cities relative to others.

The exact mechanisms through which the riots affected economic activity over a long period of time are difficult to identify, but a large number of potentially reinforcing channels exist. Property risk might seem higher in central city neighborhoods than before the riots, causing insurance premiums to rise; taxes for income redistribution or more police and fire protection might increase, and municipal bonds may be more difficult to place; retail outlets might close; businesses and employment opportunities might relocate; middle and higher income households might move away; burned out buildings might be an eyesore; and so on. These damaging aspects of riots, the authors find, apparently outweighed outside assistance directed toward the riot areas in the wake of the disturbances.