New biography shows Merkel close to communists

The pro-American publication Der Spiegel says a new biography on Angela Merkel’s life in East Germany shows she was closer to the communist apparatus and its ideology than previously thought.

Published this week and written by journalists Günther Lachmann and Ralf Georg Reuth, the book quotes Gunter Walther, a former colleague of hers at the Academy of Sciences in East Berlin, as saying she had been secretary for “Agitation and Propaganda” in the Freie Deutsche Jugend (FDJ) youth organization at the institute. Merkel, a trained physicist, worked at the academy from 1978 until 1989.

Excerpts from the book, “The First Life of Angela M.,” were published in the newsmagazine Focus on Monday. The mass-circulation Bild newspaper has also given the book prominent coverage in recent days.

The book explores Merkel’s life growing up in German Democratic Republic (GDR), where her father Horst Kasner was a Protestant pastor and a committed socialist. He moved to East Germany from West Germany in 1954.

Merkel has said in the past that her FDJ role at the academy was more that of a cultural secretary and that her duties included buying theater tickets and organizing book readings.

But former German Transport Minister Günther Krause — an eastern German politician who worked with her in the final months of the GDR and as a fellow minister in the government ex-chancellor Helmut Kohl in the early 1990s — contradicts her in the book and says she propagated Marxism-Leninism.

“With Agitation and Propaganda you’re responsible for brainwashing in the sense of Marxism,” he said. “That was her task and that wasn’t cultural work. Agitation and Propaganda, that was the group that was meant to fill people’s brains with everything you were supposed to believe in the GDR, with all the ideological tricks. And what annoys me about this woman is simply the fact that she doesn’t admit to a closeness to the system in the GDR. From a scientific standpoint she wasn’t indispensable at the Academy of Sciences. But she was useful as a pastor’s daughter in terms of Marxism-Leninism. And she’s denying that. But it’s the truth.”

On Sunday evening, Merkel said she hadn’t covered up anything about her past. “I can only rely on my memory,” she said at a public screening of her favorite movie, a popular love film made in East Germany, on Sunday night. “If something turns out to be different, I can live with that.”

Her past may have contributed to making her inscrutable. Focus quotes Werner Schulz, a member of the European Parliament for the Greens who grew up in East Germany, as saying: “Her secrecy is a legacy of the GDR, I think. At the time you had to be careful about blurting out your opinions without thinking first. (…) Even today not many people know what she’s really thinking.”

According to journalist Stefan Berg, the book hasn’t really shed any new light on the first 35 years of Merkel’s life. Instead, he writes, it has thrown a fresh veil over it — a veil of supposed conspiracy. “A disproportionate amount of mistrust runs through this book,” writes Berg, who was born in East Berlin in 1964. “While Merkel’s own declarations are eagerly called into question, intelligence reports are taken at face value and Socialist phrases are taken more seriously than they were in GDR times.”

The book makes the “perfidious” suggestion that secret powers aided Merkel’s path into politics, that she is some kind of Soviet plant, writes Berg.

Source: Der Spiegel

Vortex, war novel by Larry Bond and Patrick Larkin

vortexThe lengthy novel focuses on the U.S. deployment of force, and gives an excellent sense of the problems and limits of power projection in an underdeveloped theater, a type of setting Americans are likely encounter in such deployments, writes a critic. The US clearly needed an extremist right-wing excuse to launch the exercise which the novel provides in the guise of Afrikaners.

In a South Africa set in the early 1990s, the apartheid government of State President Frederick Haymans and the ruling National Party seek to negotiate democratic reforms with the African National Congress (ANC). However, the talks have bogged down because the ANC refuses to properly disarm and cease planning terrorist operations. Most of the white politicians are not too keen on the idea of allowing blacks a wider role in national politics.

South African paratroopers raid an African National Congress base in Zimbabwe. The raiders uncover plans for “Broken Covenant,” an ANC plot to assassinate the government as they travel back to Pretoria from Cape Town aboard the Blue Train for the legislature’s summer recess. The raid comes at a time when the government’s talks with the ANC are approaching a major breakthrough; the ANC decides to abort Broken Covenant, not knowing that the South Africans already have information on the plan. Seeing an opportunity to take power with the leadership eliminated, Internal Security Minister Karl Vorster deliberately excuses himself from the trip. A courier assigned to transmit the abort signal to the ambush team is also killed in a hit-and-run.

With Haymans and his Cabinet killed in the attack, Vorster assumes the presidency and declares martial law with backing from diehard apartheid supporters as a major Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB) member. The security forces begin brutal crackdowns on anti-apartheid organizations, and those suspected of having ties to ANC affiliates are executed or moved to isolated internment camps. The South African Defence Force is ordered to invade newly independent South-West Africa (Namibia) under the guise of destroying ANC base camps. Cuban Army units in Angola answer the Namibian government’s call for help and deploy combat forces to stop the South Africans short of Windhoek; they also conquer Walvis Bay to bring in reinforcements.

Conditions at home begin to worsen. Armed police massacre white students protesting conscription at the University of the Witwatersrand, while certain Afrikaners disgusted at Vorster’s abuse of power launch secessionist movements in the Transvaal and Orange Free State. The regime is also confronted with tribal insurgencies after a Zulu chieftain is denaturalized for condemning apartheid. Attempts to brutally stamp dissent leads to greater unrest, such as a violent uprising by Durban’s Indian population. An SADF garrison in Cape Town rebels against the leadership and intervene to protect civilians.

Loyalist SADF troops in Namibia rebuild their strength for a major counteroffensive as the Cubans run a public relations campaign about their forces raring to fight a Marxist-Leninist “war of liberation.” The media mileage is actually part of a bigger plan: Supported by the USSR and certain African countries, the Cubans invade South Africa using three brigade tactical groups from out of staging areas in Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Mozambique. The invasion catches South African intelligence by surprise, having concentrated on the Namibian front and even dismissing reports by black spies in the three countries.

The Cubans sweep aside token resistance by reservists and local Afrikaner militias, with Vorster ordering the deployment of South Africa’s nuclear arsenal. One Mirage F1-CZ drops a nuclear device on the brigade tactical group pushing on Johannesburg from the west. Cuba launches Sarin gas on SADF defenders at the mining town of Potgietersrus; appalled by the carnage affecting innocent civilians, the ANC elements in the invasion force try to desert but are taken into custody. Havana authorizes the use of civilians as human shields against more South African nuclear strikes.

The situation in South Africa triggers much higher prices of precious metals; international support for the country evaporates when the truth about Broken Covenant makes global headlines. Realizing the war’s long-term effects on the global economy, the United States and Britain authorize direct military intervention in South Africa. The operation, codenamed Brave Fortune, kicks off with a Ranger commando assault on the South African nuclear facilities at Pelindaba, with the intent of capturing all remaining South African nuclear weapons. With the nuclear threat eliminated, American and British forces land in Cape Town and Durban, then gradually push north. The allied forces get wind of Vorster’s last-ditch plan to irradiate the Witwatersrand diamond mines with exploded uranium stockpiles. A team of US, British, and rebel South African troops assault the State Council offices in Pretoria and capture the entire Cabinet before the order can be given. Other South African Army units arrest all AWB members.

The remaining Cuban formations are pounded by American airstrikes as they inch closer to Pretoria and are later forced to withdraw from the country. Because the Cubans sold them on a communist victory in South Africa, a humiliated Soviet leadership vows never to be involved in the continent again. Apartheid is formally abolished in the months after the fall of Vorster’s government and a conglomerate of various political parties are brought to the table for establishing a second, multiracial, republic with Johannesburg as the capital. Vorster himself is later meted life imprisonment for his crimes.

Source: Wikipedia

In The Plex: How Google Thinks, Works, and Shapes Our Lives by Steven Levy

Larry Page and Sergey Brin
Larry Page and Sergey Brin

Few companies in history have ever been as successful and as admired as Google, the company that has transformed the Internet and become an indispensable part of our lives. How has Google done it? Veteran technology reporter Steven Levy was granted unprecedented access to the company, and in this revelatory book he takes readers inside Google headquarters—the Googleplex—to show how Google works. Want to work at Google? Here’s how.

intheplexWhile they were still students at Stanford, Google cofounders Larry Page and Sergey Brin revolutionized Internet search. They followed this brilliant innovation with another, as two of Google’s earliest employees found a way to do what no one else had: make billions of dollars from Internet advertising. With this cash cow (until Google’s IPO nobody other than Google management had any idea how lucrative the company’s ad business was), Google was able to expand dramatically and take on other transformative projects: more efficient data centers, open-source cell phones, free Internet video (YouTube), cloud computing, digitizing books, and much more.

The key to Google’s success in all these businesses, Levy reveals, is its engineering mind-set and adoption of such Internet values as speed, openness, experimentation, and risk taking. After its unapologetically elitist approach to hiring, Google pampers its engineers—free food and dry cleaning, on-site doctors and masseuses—and gives them all the resources they need to succeed. Even today, with a workforce of more than 23,000, Larry Page signs off on every hire.

But has Google lost its innovative edge? It stumbled badly in China—Levy discloses what went wrong and how Brin disagreed with his peers on the China strategy—and now with its newest initiative, social networking, Google is chasing a successful competitor for the first time. Some employees are leaving the company for smaller, nimbler start-ups. Can the company that famously decided not to be evil still compete?

No other book has ever turned Google inside out as Levy does with In the Plex.

About the Author

Author Steven Levy
Author Steven Levy

Steven Levy is a senior writer at Wired, and was formerly senior editor and chief technology correspondent for Newsweek. He is the author of six previous books, including Hackers: Heroes of the Computer Revolution, which was voted the best sci-tech nonfiction book of the last twenty years by readers of PC magazine, and Insanely Great, the definitive account of the Macintosh computer. A native of Philadelphia, Levy lives in New York City with his wife, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and author Teresa Carpenter, and their son.

Acceleration, a totalitarian force

Hartmut Rosa
Hartmut Rosa

Steve Ballmer is no Steve Jobs. The CEO of Microsoft is not considered to be much of a philosopher. And yet, for the company’s recent developer conference he perceptively wrapped the motto of our time into a pertinent slogan: “Faster! Faster! Faster! Faster!”

Ballmer may have been referring to the development of new products or the creation of ever faster operating systems, but acceleration has also become a universal goal in the modern world. It’s more than just a technological phenomenon, argues German sociologist Hartmut Rosa, a professor at the University of Jena. His recently published essay “Beschleunigung und Entfremdung,” or “Acceleration and Alienation,” posits that acceleration is the core element of modernization and consequently the key concept of our age.

Rosa differentiates between mechanical acceleration, the acceleration of social change and the accelerating pace of daily life. The process of mechanical acceleration began in the 19th century in conjunction with industrialization. In terms of the time it takes to travel across the world, for example, it has effectively shrunk the size of the world to one-sixtieth of its actual size.

Today, mechanical acceleration affects the digital sector in particular. But paradoxically, it also goes hand in hand with an acceleration of the pace of life. Even though mechanical acceleration, by shortening the time it takes to complete tasks, was intended to create more available time for the individual, late modern society does not enjoy the luxury of more leisure time, Rosa writes. On the contrary, individuals suffer from a constant time shortage.

The reason for this is our urge “to realize as many options as possible from the infinite palette of possibilities that life presents to us,” he says. Living life to the fullest has become the core objective of our time. At the same time, this hunger for new things can never be satisfied: “No matter how fast we become, the proportion of the experiences we have will continuously shrink in the face of those we missed.” As a result, more and more people suffer from depression and burnout, according to Rosa.

His definition of social change utilizes a term that originally stems from Marxism: alienation. But Rosa’s criticism is not directed against capitalist production conditions (unlike earlier critics of industrial modernity, Rosa’s focus is not on labor), but against acceleration as a resulting meta-phenomenon.

Rosa’s book shows that this phenomenon deserves at least as much attention as the buzzword “globalization,” especially because the continuous acceleration of social change also leads to changes in values, lifestyles and relationships.

To add to Rosa’s claim, it could be said that many modern conflicts stem from the fact that some people are simply no longer able to understand the world in all its complexity. The result is a flight into conservatism, which manifests itself in different ways around the world. Sometimes it reveals itself in the kind of violence that has shaken the Islamic world. At other times it is dogmatic, as it can be in parts of the United States. Or, it shows itself in the desire to recover after rapid societal, technological and economic changes. In Germany, it has contributed to the oft-cited idea of a “new Biedermeier” era under Angela Merkel — which alludes to a period in the first half of the 19th century that was marked by a turn toward the domestic sphere and away from political matters.

The phenomenon has serious implications for democratic societies, Rosa writes. The process of forming political will becomes more tedious as societal groups grow more heterogeneous. Politics can thus hardly set the pace for change as society expects. Instead, it is left with the task of merely taming its effects.

Compared with the realm of economics, where financial markets have been exposed to drastic acceleration, politics appear to be more static — a flaw that was criticized incessantly by opinion makers at the height of neo-liberalism.

Because society moves at an ever faster pace, political decisions have to be made more quickly too. The result, according to Rosa, is self-evident. The argument no longer prevails. Instead, it is increasingly resentment or irrational gut feelings that set the tone. Against this background, it is hardly surprising that media stars like Arnold Schwarzenegger can gain political influence, or that politicians’ coolness factor often outweighs their policies. In Germany, the sudden ascent of the now disgraced former defence minister Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg seems to fit this narrative, although he is not mentioned in Rosa’s book.

Given the fact that political populists are not simply phenomena of the present, but part of world history, Rosa’s thesis seems exaggerated at times, though. The same is true of his claim that in the accelerated western world more people suffer from insomnia and anxiety than compared to North Korea or Iraq under Saddam Hussein — a claim for which Rosa fails to cite any evidence.

Rosa’s essay culminates with the powerful assertion that acceleration is a new abstract form of totalitarianism. In the 17th century, philosopher Thomas Hobbes used the metaphor of Leviathan to describe the state as an all-powerful monster. In Rosa’s work, acceleration in all its manifestations has become the new Leviathan.

But Rosa has no suggestion for taming the monster. He admits: “At the moment I don’t even have a rough sketch on how that could be accomplished.” – Der Spiegel

Peter Sloterdijk’s ‘Bubbles’: a theory of connectedness

sloterdijk_bubbles1by Joshua Mostafa

Quoting the poet Jean Paul, German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk remarks at the beginning of his controversial essay “Rules for the Human Zoo” that books are like “thick letters to friends.” Weighing in at over six hundred pages, Sloterdijk’s Bubbles, published in the original German in 1998 and finally translated into English late last year by Wieland Hoban for Semiotext(e), is a very thick letter to a friend indeed. And it is only the first volume to be translated of Sloterdijk’s Spheres trilogy: the other two are due for an English release over the next year or two. Each volume uses the motif of the ‘sphere’ in different yet complementary ways to refer to “spaces of coexistence” between and among human beings. Bubbles is devoted to micro-spheres, the most intimate of originary spaces: the womb; the relationship between lovers; and that between God and the human subject. The second and third volumes deal with other kinds of spheres: the world considered as a single cosmopolitan macro-sphere, and then our contemporary decentralized network of social and cultural spheres, in which the concept of a central, self-structuring totality — religion, myth, science, enlightenment — has collapsed, and we find ourselves living in a complex sea of fragmentary yet contiguous spheres, which Sloterdijk likens to a “foam.”

This last appears to have some affinity with other accounts of the so-called postmodern condition. But Sloterdijk violates the postmodernist contention that, as Jean-François Lyotard famously put it, we are past the age of “grand narratives,” and that overarching, totalizing structures of ideas have lost their explanatory power under the skeptical gaze of the postmodern subject. In his little book Im selben Boot [In the same boat], Sloterdijk refers scornfully to the “relief” of those who believe that grand narratives are no longer possible. Although those who don’t read German will have to wait a little longer to assess Sloterdijk’s grand sphereological narrative, Bubbles leads one to expect that Sloterdijk’s trilogy is nothing if not a giant meta-narrative, wheels within wheels, an heroically immodest exercise in universal history of the most defiantly, monstrously unfashionable kind.

¤

Peter Sloterdijk
Peter Sloterdijk

In his native Germany, Peter Sloterdijk needs no introduction. Since 2002 until May of this year, he hosted the TV show Das Philosophische Quartett [The Philosophical Quartet], the popularity of which points, perhaps, to the more prominent role that the world of ideas enjoys on the Continent. He is, however, no mere popularizer: in 1983, his first major work, Critique of Cynical Reason, gained him both fame and critical respect, selling more copies than any other philosophy book since the war, while also provoking a serious debate with its attack on what Sloterdijk dubbed “enlightened false consciousness,” or the state of cynical bad faith brought about by our long tradition of unmasking and demystification, beginning with the Enlightenment and reaching its apogee with the critical theory of the Frankfurt School. His prolific writing on religion, culture, politics, media, the psyche, and globalization has drawn both admiration for its cross-pollinating originality, and accusations of dilettantism and lack of rigour.

Sloterdijk has not been shy of controversy. In “Rules for the Human Zoo,” he declares that literature cannot play the civilizing role that it once did; literary texts have become mere “archived things,” no longer “letters to possible friends.” The humanist project has failed, Sloterdijk contends, and he posits biotechnology as a substitute. We should embrace what he calls “anthropotechnics” for the future good of humanity, not shrink away from the bioethical implications. The taboos surrounding anything smacking of eugenics are understandably strong, given Germany’s history, and so Sloterdijk’s suggestion that genetic manipulation and selection were in the human interest caused an uproar not confined to academic journals, but spilling onto the front pages of broadsheets and magazines. A fierce spat ensued between Sloterdijk and Jürgen Habermas, an even more significant figure in contemporary German philosophy, amidst shock, opprobrium, and accusations of crypto-fascism.

More recently, his attack on the welfare state as “state kleptocracy” — which may seem an unremarkable piece of right-wing capitalo-libertarian rhetoric in the ears of post-Reagan America or post-Thatcher Britain — stirred up controversy in Germany, where a broadly social-democratic consensus encompasses the center-right as well as the left. Sloterdijk called for the abolition of income tax in favor of voluntary contributions. We might associate that kind of libertarian stance with a certain ethos of rugged individualism; but that would be a mistake. Sloterdijk begins Bubbles with an explicit rejection of individualism. Before considering the startling ideas he posits in its place, it’s worth briefly considering the radicalism of this move, and why anyone might think it necessary to make.

The conception of the human subject as an individual whose fundamental and essential state is solitude, who is born alone and dies alone (a phrase attributed both to Orson Welles and to Hunter S. Thompson), is pervasive in contemporary thought. In a process beginning with Cervantes — analyzed at length in György Lukács’ Theory of the Novel — the heroic subject of the epic is replaced, in the novel, by the anti-hero, the buffoon, and the loner. This development is most eloquently articulated in the work of Italian scholar Franco Moretti, for whom the ascendance of the novel form in literature is coterminous with the rise of the self-sufficient ideology of the bourgeois citizen. Contemporary ideology has such a strongly individualist outlook that the word ‘individual’ has come to be used almost interchangeably with ‘person.’ This conflation posits our separation from others as an essential quality of being human; it precludes other notions of personhood, in which togetherness, not individuation, are foundational to our humanity. It is therefore difficult to contemplate individualism, as such, when our thinking is so thoroughly steeped in it.

Yet the ground on which individualism stands — the idea of the coherent self, armed with autonomous agency — has been severely eroded on all sides over the last century. Critical theory warns that false consciousness and ideological conditioning blind us to reality; our genes determine our behaviour, according to evolutionary biologists; psychoanalysis has pulled back the curtain on the dark libidinal drives that underlie our ostensibly rational acts; neuroscience tells us that the unity of the mind is an illusion; according to post-structuralists, we are mere ripples in a sea of social and linguistic trends that speak through us. The net result is that we are alienated from our fellows by modern individualism, and alienated from ourselves. Accompanying these ideas is an urgent need to find a way out of this state: for the radical left, the solution is in the future (post-revolutionary collective subjectivity); for the radical right, in the past (nostalgia for simple verities and feudal holism); while centrists of both liberal and right-libertarian persuasions tend to double down and remain enthusiastic about, or at least tacit followers of, the increasingly untenable terrain of individualism.

In Bubbles Sloterdijk begins his attempt to think beyond individualism with a rejection of the idea of essential loneliness: it is not, he says, an inherent characteristic of the human condition. “In nascent individualism the individuals, as living observers — as inner witnesses of their own lives, one could say — adopt the perspective of an outside view on themselves, and thus augment their interfacial spheric opening with a second pair of eyes that, strangely enough, is not even their own.” In other words, individualism requires a kind of paradoxical self-objectification. The individual is created by a division of the self into subject and its own object. The individual’s indivisibility is only made possible by a prior division, a division into the self who sees and the self that is seen. The coherence of the modern individualist mind depends on a foundational schizophrenia.

¤

The assumption of foundational aloneness, according to Sloterdijk, is a grave mistake, one that prevents us from understanding the true conditions of our existence. Our actual state is one of being together in the world, an “ecstatic entwinement of the subject in the shared interior.” Against the notion of the isolated intellect, thinking its way out into the world — we might think of Descartes’s famously disembodied cogito proving its own existence with nothing but thought — Sloterdijk’s contention is that, as sociologist Bruno Latour paraphrases it, “to define humans is to define the envelopes, the life support systems, the Umwelt that makes it possible for them to breathe.”

That may seem a trivial point to make: who doesn’t think context is all? But, as Sloterdijk is aware, thinking outside of the liberal-individualist paradigm at an ontological level is not without its dangers. Sloterdijk conceives of the Spheres trilogy as companion and continuation of Martin Heidegger’s Being and Time, and a corrective to what he sees as its faults. Heidegger’s wrong turn is precisely his insistence on essential loneliness, and his abandonment of “existential spaciousness.” Heidegger’s mistake, according to Sloterdijk, is to try to answer the question of ‘who’ before fully exploring the question of ‘where’. Sloterdijk contends that, by neglecting the spatial dimension of ‘being in the world’ in favor of questions of authenticity, Heidegger gave himself a blind spot that not only left his own philosophically project unbalanced, but himself vulnerable to the political blindness of radical nationalism. Bubbles attempts to remedy that neglect: to think through the implications of existence as ‘being-with’ — that is, as part of a containing sphere.

For Sloterdijk, to speak of the human being’s essential loneliness is nonsensical. We are not born alone; anyone who has given birth, or witnessed that noisy, intensely corporeal event, knows that it could not be further from solitude. The primary loneliness of the human condition is a modern fiction: relationships with others are not “posterior and fortuitous, but rather fundamental and immemorial.” Prior to birth, we are in a “biune” state of total intermingling: the foetus is encased in the mother’s body, sharing her blood, in what Sloterdijk calls a “pre-subjective” consciousness. Criticizing anatomical and psychoanalytic descriptions of this primeval state as objectifying it, Sloterdijk investigates an eclectic range of attempts to name the unnameable — the writings of religious mystics, prehistoric iconography, avant-garde poetry — for insights into what such a state must be like.

There is, of course, a certain pathos that surrounds a man writing on the “womb-immanence of all being.” This is clearest in the lines that Sloterdijk devotes to the mother-child relationship. Women (at least those who become mothers) are links in an intergenerational web of unbroken physical continuity, an unbroken chain of motherhood stretching back beyond the first humans and our distant mammalian forebears into the oceans. While all children are nodes of their ancestors, material avatars of this umbilical bloodline, they do not share in it equally: men are all ends of the line. Fathers or not, they can never be a link in that umbilical chain. Perhaps this is what gives the ethos of rugged individualism its masculine overtone. Despite our heavier, coarser bodies, it is men who are the flowers, springing from the great matrilineal banyan of our species. Attention-seeking, necessary for reproduction but effervescent, impermanent.

The manner in which the newly-born child is detached from the placenta, the most intimate companion of its life thus far, is, according to Sloterdijk, strongly determinative of the child’s future relationship to the world. In a bizarre yet compelling passage, Sloterdijk argues at length that the rise of modern individualism coincides with a “radical devaluation of the placenta” beginning in the eighteenth century. A brief anthropological survey of traditional ritual care for the placenta — burying, drying, burning, hanging on the branches of a tree — is contrasted with the modern disposal of the ‘afterbirth’ as mere mess or garbage. Eschewing anatomical language and the objectification it implies, Sloterdijk repurposes the preposition ‘With’ as a name for the placenta, and suggests that the navel, which once pointed out to a symbolic ‘With-space’ of interpersonal mingling, has lost its meaning; it is to this phenomenon that Sloterdijk ascribes, with disapproval, the modern assumption that navel-gazing is a useless and isolating activity: “the individualism of the modern age is a placental nihilism.” By denying the significance of the placenta, Sloterdijk argues, we deny our fundamental connection to the world around us.

¤

Those who prefer their philosophy neat and dry will find this level of hyperbole bewildering, at best. Sloterdijk, more bricoleur than logician, weaves his arguments from such diverse strands as the late eighteenth century theory of animal magnetism, the psychoanalysis of Freud and Lacan, Genesis, painters of the Renaissance (Giotto de Bondone) and modernity (René Margitte), the theology of the church fathers, the story of Orpheus and Eurydice. Even for readers who enjoy the excursive style of Bubbles, and find its ideas powerful and resonant, the book is not a pot of unalloyed gold, but rather a mine: there’s plenty of slag to dig through. The volume of neologisms per page cannot be blamed entirely on the Germanic language’s predilection for inventing new compound words. When one follows Sloterdijk on his idiosyncratic path, there are indeed moments of the sublime; at other times, he charges down alleys that lead only to the absurd, such as his claim that rather than language, it is song — the act of singing together in choirs and in groups — that differentiates humans from animals. This manages to be at once both excessively anthropocentric (ignoring the communion of dolphins and whales through song) and demeaning to humankind: since language structures thought as well as communication, a non-linguistic community of humans is literally unthinkable.

Some degree of danger is inherent to a work of such bold interdisciplinarity in an age that has littered the map of human knowledge with booby-traps for the generalist. For instance, when Sloterdijk breezily categorizes the European Neolithic as a shift from nomadic to sedentary life after which “the fascination with the womb could develop into a world power” — whatever we make of this last point, he paints the complex and contested prehistoric record with too broad a brush: the so-called Neolithic revolution was not a single event within an homogeneous cultural landscape, but a series of locally differentiated processes taking place over many centuries, arising out of contact and conflict between societies of radically contrasting culture, technology and ideology. Later, he describes the evolution of the Trinity church doctrine as “inevitable and explosive,” a journey from which “early Christianity…could not retreat even a single step.” Unless one assumes a mechanically determinist view of causality, this account seems to drift towards teleology, or at least, to confer on a contingent process the dignity of an inevitable unfolding. Early Christianity did indeed ‘retreat’ from many positions retrospectively deemed heretical but, as a result of argument, splits and purges among the church fathers, the process of imperial institutionalization under which the Council of Nicaea hardened belief into doctrine, and perhaps (as Edward C. Hobbs and others have argued), the subterranean influence of the tripartite conceptual structure inherited by both Greek and Roman cultural tradition. Not, in other words, as the inexorable unfolding of internal logic.

Yet in the face of Bubbles’s expansiveness, such quibbles seem petty and churlish. When Sloterdijk refers to history it is not as an empiricist does, to test a theory, but as a staging of ideas; if the facts do not fit the theory, as he approvingly quotes Hegel in Im selben Boot, too bad for the facts. Such an attitude may not find a sympathetic reception in a readership more used to the pedestrian logic of analytic philosophy, but to dismiss it in its entirety would be to miss an opportunity. This is a remarkable and valuable book. Even where it does not convince, it provokes; it does not try to get the last word in, but to generate new ideas for discussion. Like the best works of phenomenology, it startles us into recognizing things that we had taken for granted as if we were seeing them for the first time. – Los Angeles Review of Books