White flight in Hartford

The shrinking population of white students in Hartford’s suburbs is complicating efforts to comply with Connecticut’s landmark school desegregation settlement — and even making it harder for some of the capital city’s students to attend new schools created to help meet the racial integration goals set by the American lawsuit 25 years ago.

State education officials are currently negotiating the latest changes to the agreement, reached with the plaintiffs after they won a 1996 Connecticut Supreme Court ruling, but say it is becoming harder to attract white students to Hartford’s schools because they’re living farther away.

About half the students living in the 22 communities subject to the agreement, according to state officials, are non-white. That’s up from about 38 percent in 2008, when the parties negotiated a revised timetable for progress on reducing racial, ethnic and economic isolation. Another revision was made last year.

“The state is in the position of, how do you meet the requirements of the State Supreme Court given the fact that the demographics of the region have changed so completely,” said Kathleen Demsey, state Department of Education’s chief financial officer who worked for years on the issue. “Financially, it’s a burden for this transportation system, money that could be used for education is being used to bus kids.”

But lawyers for the plaintiffs in the case, Sheff vs. O’Neill, say there are still plenty of predominantly white communities in the region that can be drawn from to attract additional students, or where Hartford students can attend school in a racially integrated setting.

“We’ve made some progress but we still think there’s more that can be done,” said Dennis Parker, a lawyer for the plaintiffs and director of racial justice programs for the American Civil Liberties Union.

The issue of changing demographics has come up before. In 2013, the parties redefined the standard for diversity, allowing Asian, American Indian, Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islanders to count toward the 25 percent “white enrollment” threshold. Further changes could be among the proposals in this round of negotiations.

The current agreement expires in June. The groups are conducting confidential talks and would not disclose details of the discussions, except to say a decision is expected soon.

Newly released statistics show 47.5 percent of Hartford’s 21,458 minority students are currently enrolled in “reduced-isolation settings,” a marked improvement from 11 percent in 2008. That comes after the state spent about $2.25 billion on new magnets and other programs throughout the region over a 10-year period. Yet the plaintiffs contend that progress falls far short of giving every Hartford student the opportunity to learn in a racially integrated setting.

Attorney Martha Stone said the state could create incentives to encourage suburban school districts to take in more Hartford students and foster more collaborative projects involving different entities, such as the proposed elementary magnet aerospace academy in Rocky Hill.

“There are so many different ideas that have been on the table for years that the state has not taken the initiative on,” Stone said.

Unlike other states where there has been forced busing and redrawn school districts, Connecticut’s settlement relies on voluntary desegregation and additional state funding. Parents inside and outside of Hartford can choose to enter a lottery in order for their children to approximately 45 magnet schools. Meanwhile, Hartford students can also choose to attend suburban public schools.

But the makeup of some suburbs is changing: East Hartford, for example, shifted from 23 percent minority enrollment in 1989, when the lawsuit was first filed, to 84 percent in 2013. Manchester jumped from 12 percent to 60 percent, Windsor from 31 percent to 71 percent, and Bloomfield from 74 to 96 percent.

According to the Department of Education, those four towns have the highest participation in magnet schools. That had the unintended consequence of leaving some magnet school seats empty because of the low number of white applicants made it hard to maintain the desegregation standard.

Last summer, a group of frustrated Hartford parents staged a rally claiming their children didn’t get their first, second or third choices in the lottery.

The Sheff Movement, a coalition of parents, educators and citizens, organized the protest. Phil Tegeler, the group’s staff director, said the state needs to invest more money to expand the number of available classrooms, as well as the number of schools.

“The demand is much greater than the system right now,” he said. “The state needs to be thinking more ambitiously and the state needs to think long-term.”

Source: Yahoo

The Pursuit of Racial Amity

negroeschoolBy Fred Reed.

“One of the nice things about reality is that it is what it is, no matter what anybody says it is.”—the eminent philosopher James Morris

Pondering the smoking ruins of American racial policy, I wonder whether it isn’t time to say publicly what many, if not most, of both races know: It isn’t working. It isn’t going to work. If it were, it would have. If it were working, we would not need the unending laws to force the races together when they don’t want to be together. If people wanted diversity, it would happen without compulsion..

The hope that black and white would mingle amicably if only segregation were dismantled relied on a peculiarly American inattention to life and history, and on a belief that people will behave as we want them to, instead of how they observably do behave. Human nature remains human nature, no matter how hard one holds one’s breath and turns blue.

It is not an easy thing that we try to do. Frequently, far smaller disparities than those between black and white lead to bloody conflict. Catholics and Protestants, Shia and Sunni, Jew and Christian are often virtually indistinguishable, yet share a history of internecine butchery of each other. Is there anywhere an example of two groups so large and utterly different as blacks and whites successfully merging?

Despite our best imaginings, race is far more than skin deep. The races differ wildly in culture, appearance, attitudes, views of each other, language, musical taste, dress, attitudes toward law, education, family, and the role of government.

Much of what blacks believe about whites is almost psychotic. Exceptions and degrees, yes, but the centerline remains.

Over and over one hears blacks asserting that that we whites invented AIDS to kill off blacks, that we put substances in soft drinks to make black men impotent (“Honest, Latanya, them damn white folks put something in my Gatorade.”), and that we flood the ghetto with drugs to destroy black society. We are, blacks repeatedly insist, incorrigible racists determined to hold blacks down. Discrimination, “racial profiling,” police brutality, and “institutional racism” are, they say, the irremediable bedrock of the white soul. The Trayvon Martin case, blacks say, shows that it is open season for whites to kill young black males. Black after black says the only solution is to kill whites.

By contrast, to many whites the last sixty years have seen a desperate attempt to find something, anything, that would raise blacks to the intellectual, cultural, and economic standards of the First World. Nine white men passed Brown vs. the School Board, white federal marshals and white troops enforced the decision, an overwhelmingly white congress enacted the civil-rights acts of the Sixties, and still supports the endless welfare programs on which so many blacks depend. We censor ourselves savagely to avoid offending blaqcks. Even mild criticism of racial behavior is a firing offense.

Nothing is enough. We change the color of Santa, remove the Confederate flag, admit blacks to historically white schools for which they are not remotely qualified, and pay untold millions to settle suits over discrimination based on the inability of blacks to meet the standards applied to whites. It doesn’t work. The complaints never end.

We have tried desegregation, integration, mixed classrooms, Section Eight, AFDC, Head Start, affirmative action, quotas, Black History Day (or is it month?), laws against “hate crimes” by whites, outlawing of IQ tests by employers, on and on. It hasn’t worked. Nothing suggests that it will. The chasm appears intractable.

What if it isn’t working because it can’t? What do we do?

Note that our racial policy is in a sense anti-black: aimed at making blacks into dark-skinned whites who study, talk, act, and think like us—to get them to speak white English, wear suits, and adopt the cultural norms of whites.

Yet there is little evidence that blacks want to turn white. In fact they do much that is intended to maintain, or at any rate has the effect of maintaining, their separateness. Thus Keyshawn and Latoya instead of Robert and Carol. Thus Ebonics: Blacks could learn normal English if they chose, if only by imitating whites on television, but that would make them almost white. (In France and Mexico, for example, blacks speak the national language normally.) Black high-schoolers accuse their fellows who study of “acting white.” Blacks speak contemptuously of “oreos” and Uncle Toms.

Whites have no more desire to be black than blacks do to be white. This attachment of each race to its culture impossibilizes assimilation.

Things can seem to be working better than they are. Most whites see only bleached blacks, those in business clothes speaking perfect English on television. Few see the huge black urban ghettoes, hermetically isolated from the rest of the country. You can spend eight hours in these regions in a police car—I have, many times—and never see a Caucasian face. The ghettoes amount to a different country, a different civilization, in distributed enclaves. Assimilation before the heat death of the sun isn’t going to happen.

If you look at what people do instead of what they say, you will note that the races do not want to associate, and indeed don’t much like each other. For example in Washington, where I lived for many years, the races coexisted in compulsory amity at work but then went to separate neighborhoods, bars, and restaurants. When blacks wearied of the (black, actually) violence of the city, they moved to Prince Georges County in Maryland, heavily black; whites went to Fairfax Country, Virginia, almost all white. Black kids in white universities want black-only fraternities and living quarters. When whites threaten by gentrification to become a majority in black regions, like Washington itself, blacks hate it.
And now we have the Knockout Game of explicitly racial attacks by gangs of blacks, often leaving the victims crippled or dead. The media hide the occurrence of these assaults, the police (who know better) deny that they are racial, and the federal goverrnment deliberately does nothing. This is a dangerous game. It is interesting that a sober, conservative, black intellectual like Thomas Sowell sees a race war—his words, and worth reading, looming. See also Walter Williams.
Maybe a little less togetherness would better preserve the peace. The Supreme Court once said irrationally that “separate is inherently unequal.” Why? Men and women have separate public bathrooms. Is this unequal? We have sports teams separate by sex. Inherently unequal? Should we force sexual integration of sports? Jews and Catholics have schools intended to preserve theilr cultures, and it doesn’t seem to have brought the Republic down.
So then, why do we keep trying to compel a togetherheid that no one seems to want? Why not let the races manage their own affairs as they see fit? For instance, we might organize the schools by culture instead of race. As a white man, I want my children to go to a culturally white school, meaning one that stresses real academics, requires good English and what I regard as civilized dress, and demands good comportment. No social promotion, affirmative action, or toleration of seriously bad behavior. Such blacks students as chose to meet these standards would be welcome–but they woulod have to meet them.
This would result in something close to de facto segregation by race. So what? It would also end complaints by blacks of discrimination in grades, discipline, and so on, since they would be running their own schools, and whites would no longer complain of the dumbing down of courses and the inability to maintain their standards of language and behavior. If by law all schools received the same funding, none would be at a disadvantage.

It is worth a thought, methinks: comity at arms length.. What we are doing isn’t working. Violence grows. Sooner or later there will be an explosion.and, perhaps, a conflict from which the country will never recover.