Reflections on the Richard Millet case

Bernard-Henri Lévy flanked by his wife, Arielle Dombasle (in pink), tennis players André Agassi and Steffi Graf

by Bernard-Henri Lévy, French philosopher and writer

Strangely enough, what I find most shocking in this Richard Millet affair (this editor at Editions Gallimard who caused a scandal in Paris by publishing “Eloge litteraire de Anders Breivik”) is not the white trash racism he recycles, from one book to the next, in his story of the RER, where one feels surrounded by hordes of dark-skinned people.

 It is not the tone, no doubt intended to be very Montherlant, of his reflections about “the” women (in one of the two other opuscules he published at the same time, one learns, among other elegant observations, that, once past 40, their skin has “the consistency of a ripe pear”).

 It is not even the enormous provocation of this long-time editor who, envious of others’ success, as sometimes happens, has apparently just decided not, as Gide said, to “take himself for a great writer, as one may consider oneself a great hairdresser” (in the past 30 years, he has published a great number of texts, which met with general indifference), but to pull out all the stops, for his own benefit (a pathetic parody of ad man Jacques Séguela’s quip, addressed to Sarkozy at the time of his election, “If you don’t have a Rolex at 50, your life has been a failure”). In an earlier book, he had ventured to support Bin Laden (“there comes a moment when one can only prove Bin Laden right, provided he is not an American or Islamist fiction” — L’opprobre, published by Gallimard) — but no one was interested. Last May, he played the in-defense-of-Bachar-al-Assad card (a charge, meant to be “disturbing,” against the media in utter “rapture” before the “insurgents” of Homs and Aleppo — Printemps syrien, published by a smaller publishing house) — that also fell flat. But now, he’s outdone himself, shifted into high speed by actually offering “praise” for Anders Breivik, the serial killer of Utoya who is, he writes, “what Norway deserved” and whose act seems to him characterized by «absolute beauty» and “literary grandeur.” Miracle! It works! The little bureaucrat of letters finally has his grand affair! This Warholian “15 minutes of fame” which, he explains, his hero, “a writer by default,” didn’t really want but that he, Millet, madly desired, and he’s got it!

No. The real surprise, for me, has been the reaction of an entire part of the French literary milieu at the publication of these three libels fairly dripping with small-minded thoughts and spite.

 There was the Pavlovian reflex of those who, as the first critics became aware of the existence of a book in which a psychopathic killer was thus presented as a “Malthusian hero,” disciple of Baudrillard, started bandying about terms like thought police, organized censure, the triumph of the politically correct.

 As always, I mean as in most of the great debates of today, there appeared this strange, new technique which consists of, above all, not taking sides, the better to dismiss the protagonists, back to back — insulters and insulted, same fight; racists and anti-racists, the same lamentable antics; Breivik’s victims and victims, “like Breivik,” of the Norwegian social-democratic horror, a point for all sides, be on your way, there’s nothing to see.

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No less Pavlovian was the convening of the great Elders who were supposed to remind the stupefied reader than one can be a great-writer-and-a-perfect-bastard — poor Céline! Poor Aragon!

 As the affair wouldn’t go away and there remained evil minds that found an editor recommending “the song of the Kalashnikov” and the “singular jubilation the fact of killing can inspire” bizarre, naturally there appeared this blogger or that one, speed versions of the editorialist, to compare this obscure actor of the literary scene, seeking a role and disgrace, with Marguerite Duras going off the deep end during a human interest story that made headlines in the 1980s, the Villemin affair (or the essayist Philippe Muray, no longer here to defend himself, whose thousands of pages of Exorcismes spirituels and Après l’Histoire, one should recall, quite apart from the fact that they never gave way to abjectness, were considerably more weighty than these three mediocre brochures).

 They pulled the Literature and Evil number on us.

To “contextualise” the affair, they dared to cite Artaud, Sade or Bataille — which seems to me scarcely less serious than not having leapt out of one’s chair at the description of the “ethnic cloaca” that France, according to Millet, has become.

 This entire story would be laughable, there would be something pathetic in this desire to be a pariah that one senses on each page of these three books were the author’s destiny not linked, precisely, to this House.

It is difficult to understand how the successors of Sartre and Malraux could continue to be published by a man for whom “what one calls literature” is no longer anything but “the hedonistic face of a nihilism of which anti-racism is the terrorist branch” and who perceives most writers who are his contemporaries as “henchmen” as well as “sycophants.”

This is an edited, synoptic version of a piece by Bernard-Henri Lévy previously published by Huffington Post.

Read also:

French author Richard Millet forced to resign from publishing committee over Breivik pamphlet

Anders Breivik the white Mandela

French author Richard Millet forced to resign from publishing committee over Breivik pamphlet

Richard Millet
Richard Millet

A writer who argued in an essay that Norway deserved mass-killer Anders Breivik has been forced to step down from a prestigious role with top French publishers Gallimard.

Richard Millet remains a Gallimard employee, the company stressed Friday, but he will no longer sit on its committee of readers, which helps select books for publication and shapes the output of established writers.

Millet will continue to look after the writers he handled for the publishers, Gallimard said.

It remains to be seen how many of them will want to continue to be associated with him following an outcry over a publication branded “fascist” by a group of 120 writers this week.

Antoine Gallimard, chief executive of the publisher, had written to Millet to express his shock at the end of August, soon after the pamphlet “In Literary Praise of Anders Breivik” was published.

On Monday, Gallimard wrote to the writer once more to remind him that “as a member of the committee of readers, he represents the (publishing) house.”

Millet’s position had been made untenable and he duly announced his resignation from the reading committee late on Thursday.

The writer insists he does not approve of Breivik’s crimes but wrote approvingly of the Norwegian’s 1,500-page online manifesto which outlines his hatred for social democracy, immigration and multiculturalism.

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“Breivik is without doubt what Norway deserves,” Millet wrote, arguing that the killer was as much a child of a broken family as he was the product of an ideological-racial divide caused by immigration from outside Europe.

A prolific novelist and essayist, Millet has been the editor of two winners of France’s literary prize, the Goncourt — Jonathan Littel (2006) and last year’s winner Alexis Jenni.

Despite a traditional reluctance in France’s literary world to do anything which could be seen as restricting the freedom of speech, several Gallimard writers had urged the publisher to distance itself from Millet.

In an article for Le Monde this week, to which 120 writers put their names, novelist Annie Ernaux desribed the essay as a “fascist pamphlet that is a disgrace to literature.”

Breivik was sentenced last month to the maximum 21 years in prison for killing 77 people in a bomb attack and shooting rampage last year. – AFP

Do you like organic antiwhite coffee?

Dear PRAAG supporter,

Those of you who have not yet read my latest column written today, should do so, here:

The WAR on Woolworths and what it means

If you have been to South Africa, you will know that Woolworths is an upmarket chain store selling fairly good clothes and food under their own brand, very much like the Marks & Spencer chain in the United Kingdom. You can also buy all sorts of organically grown products there – at a price.

Over the past week, Woolworths has been in the news for publishing job advertisements saying “For blacks only”. That provided the spark for our current campaign against their affirmative action programme, with one or two other organisations and trade unions jumping on the bandwagon.

I am quite amazed by the good response on Facebook and Twitter. On Woolworths’s Facebook page there were more than 2 000 comments of irate white shoppers pledging to never support them again. Afterwards the company locked its Facebook wall. It is the first time that I have seen such a tremendous response and almost spontaneous boycott spirit taking shape.

The combination of the ANC government and Big Business colluding on excluding whites from jobs has almost succeeded in making second-class citizens and mere survivors of us all. I know of so many middle-class families who are struggling as a result with the husbands unable to find work as almost no-one wants to employ a white male anymore.

How this will all work out, we will find out. But what I find heartening is that there is such a tremendous sense of solidarity suddenly among white South Africans, as I mention at the start of my column. Also recently I was watching a French TV discussion with author Richard Millet talking about his two latest books, one of which is entitled “Antiracism, a literary terror”. His tremendous pessimism – he spoke of his “despair” – struck me, as well as the other more politically correct members of the panel who already considered themselves a minority in their own country!

Millet referred to being “the only white at six in the evening in the subway at Châtelet-Les-Halles”. To other members of the French talk show, that did not matter as “those people were Frenchmen too, even if they were black or Arab”. However, as we can see from our experience as a minority that has lost power in our own country, it does not work that way. As soon as one is outnumbered at the ballot box, so-called affirmative action becomes the national ideology and both the state and major corporations deem the employment of whites undesirable. For them it is not even about “filling quotas” according to demographic percentages, but about impoverishing us so that we should finally sink to their third-world level of income and social existence. Somehow, the slightest remaining pocket of white or Western excellence is seen as an affront to their own dignity and sense of “being in power”.

Although many people seem to have written us off, the four million white people here are increasingly showing a solidarity and a zest for meeting the challenge of creating something new, a new economy and lifestyle away from governmental and corporate strictures. People are talking about distributing produce directly from our farmers to consumers, to bypass the supermarket chains and of setting up small banks all over the country in order to regain control of our capital that is languishing in the big four banks, with more or less the same employment policies as Woolworths.

The big irony is that we are paying taxes, interest and banking fees so that we may be excluded from the job market and even from having our own businesses, thereby funding our own ultimate demise. This has to stop. Fortunately many people are starting to see it that way.

In many towns, people are protesting the corruption and profligacy of the ANC’s municipal officials and politicians by refusing to pay local taxes. The indefatigable Mr. Jaap Kelder, a good friend and comrade, is fighting the municipalities in the courts and through his national network of ratepayers’ associations, so we are giving them a good run for their money.

A few months ago I started being more active on Twitter and my account has now grown to 2 500 followers. On Facebook I have another 6 500 people or so and all our messages and links are distributed through other networks as well so that we do not really need the traditional media anymore, even though I still try to get articles and letters into the major newspapers. This week I published a critical letter in the daily Beeld in reply to the affirmative action principal of the University of the Free State, Jonathan Jansen, who is enforcing diversity on his campus and even made an ideological course on multiculturalism mandatory for all students. Our two websites in English and Afrikaans now get as much traffic as some of the second-tier newspapers so being in the mainstream media or on radio keeps us in the public eye, but we could well do without it too. I firmly believe that there will come a time in South Africa when there will be a clampdown on dissident voices and a lot of people will be banned from the mainstream media. By that time we will hopefully be so strong on the internet that we would not even notice being excluded from the traditional media.

I also serve on the so-called Strategy Committee for the Afrikaner people that we formed a year ago. Even though our work is more or less confidential, we are going to have an invitation-only conference for 200 people in November where we will finally decide on a strategy going forward and which will most probably include elements of self-determination.

All of this is very exciting but time-consuming, sometimes even exhausting. There are endless meetings, discussions and planning sessions. But we have no choice, we must keep up the good fight.

As so many people have argued, our fight will ultimately be the fight of the whole European and North American world. I must write to Monsieur Millet in Paris to tell him that he need not despair so much. There are four million white Africans down here and another million or so expats who are ready to show the way!

Thanks once again for your loyal support and interest in our cause.

With kind regards,

Dan Roodt

Director, Pro-Afrikaner Action Group (PRAAG)

French writer says Anders Breivik was ‘what Norway deserves’

Richard Millet, 59, author of 50 books and editor at the famous Gallimard publishing house

Richard Millet, a respected French writer and editor, has sparked controversy for his comments on Anders Breivik, the Norwegian mass killer, whom he described as “without doubt what Norway deserves”.

Breivik was last week sentenced to 21 years in prison for killing 77 people in a bomb attack and deadly shooting rampage that shook Norway.

Mr Millet, who says he has read all 1,500 pages of Breivik’s online manifesto, insists that he does not approve of the Norwegian gunman’s crimes.

However, he praised Breivik’s writing and cry of hatred for social democracy, immigration and multiculturalism.

“Breivik is without doubt what Norway deserves,” wrote Millet in an 18-page pamphlet.

He is “as much a child of a broken family as of an ideological and racial fracture caused by immigration from outside Europe over the last 20 years,” added Mr Millet, who has edited several award-winning books in France.

His writing about Breivik has sparked consternation in the literary circles, with one author Annie Ernaux calling the text “a politically dangerous act”.

Another author Tahar Ben Jelloun said: “He has lost his head.”

Others were less critical.

“He is still my editor,” said Alexis Jenni. “I don’t want to take any public position on the subject. Millet believes only in literature.

“He is someone who writes marvellously well. His questionable ideas do not reduce his literary qualities,” he argued.

Breivik was last week sentenced to 21 years in prison for killing 77 people in a bomb attack and deadly shooting rampage that shook Norway.

Source: AFP

Anders Breivik the white Mandela

by Joseph Secrève

It’s been a week since the most notorious modern day mass murderer on Norwegian soil has been sentenced to 21 years, the maximum sentence the Norwegian state could offer. Given the severe nature of Breivik’s crimes – the killing of 77 innocent citizens – there would be little doubt that had the Nordic state recognised the death penalty, he would have been incarcerated in a cell next to the gallows, awaiting his final ordeal. Legal experts and various news makers from all over the world would have concurred that a sentence of death would have been apposite.

Throughout the entire hearing he did not cease from flaunting his extreme ideals in the courtroom, hoisting his fist to his chest and raising it in the air, saluting an ideal not entirely clear to us. He considered himself to be at one with his ideals that were thoroughly elaborated in his 1500 page manifesto, and refused to appeal the sentence after it was passed.

The overwhelming reaction to Breivik is shock, disgust and contempt. Yet underneath, he managed to attract a scant number of admirers, if one were to take a look at certain news excerpts. French author Richard Millet appears to be the first in line to be seduced by his skill to “write marvellously well” and his “questionable ideas [that] do not reduce his literary qualities”. The Italian Euro politician Mario Borghezio landed himself in hot water when he stated forthright that Breivik had some “excellent ideas”.

One could argue that it is human nature to seek what is hidden, to peek behind the mask of public opinion. Noblemen are scrutinised for their frailties and ignominy, while thieves and murderers are subject to sympathy once they open up and reveal a dram of victimhood. In Breivik’s case however, he exudes a certain strength and an unfailing belief in what he did. One could argue that his admirers are in a way attracted to the strength of his conviction, as if some primitive mechanism drives people to seek the strong. Strength after all is protection, and protection is security. Instead of being a hothead or displaying incoherent ramblings, his comportment reveals a calm and collected man, well in control of his thoughts, actions and words. Here we see a perfect alignment between high ideals, actions and the most basic emotions mankind possesses: a condition we call charisma.

We saw this same thing happening earlier.

Fortunately for many South Africans at that time, Nelson Mandela was thwarted from committing a similar yet much larger onslaught in South Africa. After having been found guilty of manufacturing enough explosive material for 210 000 hand grenades, 48 000 anti-personnel mines, 1500 timers, 144 tonnes of ammonium nitrate, 21.6 tonnes of aluminium powder and one tonne of black powder, he was sentenced to life long imprisonment, just barely escaping death row. In a ghastly similarity, legal experts from all over attended the Rivonia trials, stating the death penalty would have been justified. The onslaught he helped facilitate had already started, and the government could not stop all his acts of terrorism, downplayed to sabotage. Various factories government facilities, newspapers and people were targeted and assailed with pipe bombs.

Once he was arrested and placed in the docks, he refused to be sworn in and could therefore not be cross-examined, but his writings were unequivocal in their meaning. In his essay “How to be a good Communist” whom he claimed was written by someone else even though he couldn’t identify that particular person, he supported a campaign of ruthless elimination of all traitors and informers. Neither did he shy away from cutting off the noses of those impimpis who dare cross the line. (Interestingly, in recent google searches of How to be a good Communist, the “eliminate” sentence itself seems to have been eliminated.)

What has remained of all this is clear to see. All through the eighties, Mandela refused to call his people to order, countenancing the savage necklace killings and people’s war in the townships, while “signing off” the Church Street bomb in 1983 that killed 19 and injured 200 people, black and white. Mandela was awarded The Nobel Peace Prize by the selfsame people who locked up Breivik, even though Mandela never swore himself to peace, right up to this day. However, Mandela’s sympathisers and fellow activists also recalled his calm and sober demeanour during his protracted trial, masterfully deluding people into buying his good intentions, not much different to Breivik apparently.

With the help of his connections within the ANC and communist agents across the world, he managed to turn the tidal wave in his favour. He is nowadays considered as one of the world’s most revered men and his actions justified. His country has unfortunately little to show for it except for debasement, extreme poverty, farm murders and self-serving tenderpreneurs. Babyrapes, muti murders and other superstitious practices are all part of daily life. Savagery is considered civil and civil is the new savagery. All the while, politicians and their juiced-in friends are leeching off the state coffers and taxpayers are considered as no more than charity workers for the rich.

Yet, regardless of this, Mandela’s integrity is beyond question, proving how the amazing power of conviction could outlast any factual proof. The Age of Reason has passed and the Age of Sentiment has taken its place, beaming its brave new world into the living room of every spoiled child and misguided adult.

People have a remarkably short-term memory when it comes to politics, as Mandela’s life has taught us. It is plausible to assume that Mandela was not up to an urban lifestyle when he first came to Johannesburg, feeling the pressure of being a nobody while descending from Xhosa aristocracy back home. Did this cognitive dissonance propel him into politics?

Conversely, Breivik hails from a homogeneous nation, and as many foreigners in Norway can attest, the Norwegians are far from worldly in their approach, shamelessly discriminating against those who are not of their own. The well-laid rules and codes that commanded Norwegian life for so long are now challenged by the foreign born and many Norwegians are feeling the same pressure.

Only time will tell where Breivik will end up over 21 years, should he still be alive by then. His firm conviction and the changing demographics of Norway may possibly serve him.

However, between Breivik and Mandela there is a much larger yet hidden battle going on of which they are nothing more but its ramifications. It is the nationalists versus the internationalists. The handlers of the nation state versus the handlers of the world’s richest enterprises. The internationalists seem to be winning, with Mandela acting as their pied piper and the sheeple following in blind obedience. Breivik on the other hand is their bogeyman. Similarly, Hitler’s killing spree of 6 million Jews is seen as a stark warning against any form of nationalist upsurges, while the 100 million victims of communism is all but forgotten and didn’t even make it to the courtroom.

We live in a world where justice itself has become an object of questioning. No longer is it a matter of right and wrong, but which is the lesser of the two evils, since justice also has a nasty habit of following the money.

Perhaps in the end we could only rest ourselves in the words of historian Carroll Quigley when he wrote: “I have objected to a few of [the international Anglophile network’s] policies but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I believe its role in history is significant enough to be known.”

Should their role be known, however, the centuries of injustice they masterminded would spill out for all to see, and Mandela’s true empire builders will scatter like vampires in the sun, seeking that last bit of shadow to cower behind along with their dirty little tricks.

And that may just be the opportunity that Breivik is secretly waiting for.