The ambassador of the European Union Commission on Human Rights and the Polish ambassador have been requested by the “South African Committee for Justice for Janusz Waluś” to attend his parole hearing at the Pretoria High Court on 7 August 2018.
This hearing will be yet another effort by Janusz Waluś to obtain parole and deportation to Poland, of which he is a citizen. He has been refused parole on a number of occasions, for various reasons most of them political.
According to the Committee, “It should be noted that two Chinese murderers who chopped up and boiled the body of their female victim were recently granted parole and were deported to China. This has set a legal precedent and will be presented to the court by Waluś’s attorney as an example where justice for one should be justice for all.”
Although Waluś has long qualified for parole under South African law and prison regulations, the powerful South African Communist Party has been lobbying behind the scenes to keep him in prison.
Justice Minister Michael Masutha acted in accordance with the law when he denied terminally-ill Clive Derby-Lewis parole, the High Court in Pretoria heard on Monday.
“We submit that the decision by the first respondent [Justice Minister Michael Masutha] was a rational decision taken in accordance with the law in consistency with the requirements of the controlling legislation,” advocate Marumo Moerane SC, representing Masutha, told Judge Selby Baqwa.
Moerane was responding to an urgent motion launched by Derby-Lewis, who is seeking release on medical parole.
The lawyer said Masutha’s decision should not be reviewed or set aside through the judicial process.
“It is common cause the applicant is suffering from a terminal disease that is lung cancer which is inoperable with marginal response to concurrent chemotherapy and radiotherapy,” said Moerane.
“We submit that however there is no failure of chemotherapy or radiotherapy. There is just marginal response.”
Among other reasons for denying parole, Moerane said Masutha was of the view that Derby-Lewis had not shown remorse “for his heinous act”.
Baqwa then asked Moerane to explain how Derby-Lewis’s repeated apologies could be discounted.
“At what stage does one say a person has been remorseful? He [Derby-Lewis] has said so and that is as much as he can say. On what basis does the minister discount the expressions put in front of him,” said Baqwa.
Moerane responded: “The first respondent was not satisfied that the applicant has shown remorse for the crime committed by him. The first respondent was accordingly not satisfied that the requirement in the [Correctional Services] Act was met for purposes of placement on medical parole”.
“Our broad submission is that the applicant was just paying lip service to remorse. To use a colloquilism, they say talk is cheap. The proof of the pudding is in the eating.”
Earlier on Monday, Derby-Lewis’s representative advocate Roelof du Plessis narrated his dying client’s condition.
“The recommendation of the medical parole advisory board refers to a stage 3b cancer of the right lung with probable or inconclusive spread to the left adrenal glands, is inoperable and there is marginal response to concurrent chemo and radiotherapy with poor prognostic features,” said Du Plessis.
“The medical aid parole advisory board took into consideration the age and gender of the patient because men die earlier than women currently, my lord. They took into consideration the history of the tumour and co-mobilities, hypertension, congestive cardiac failure, prostate cancer which is in remission, skin cancer and on the basis of that they eventually recommended medical parole.”
Derby-Lewis is currently serving a life sentence for his role in the assassination of SA Communist Party (SACP) leader Chris Hani in April 1993 and has repeatedly been denied parole.
“This case is about a terminally-ill man who wants to die among his family and friends,” said Du Plessis.
Du Plessis argued that Masutha should have implemented the recommendation of the board and released Derby-Lewis.
In January, Masutha had announced that there were several problems with a medical parole bid by Derby-Lewis.
“There is nothing to suggest that Mr Derby-Lewis’ condition is such that he is rendered physically incapacitated as a result of injury, disease or illness so as to severely limit daily activity or self-care,” Masutha said at the time.
Masutha told reporters in January that the medical parole board had recommended that Derby-Lewis be released.
“In making my decision [to decline parole] I took into account the applicable legislation, recommendations made by the board as well as the submission made by Mrs Hani and the SACP,” the minister said at the time.
Masutha said the parole board indicated that Derby-Lewis suffered from stage three b cancer of the lung.
“This finding and recommendation appears to be oblivious of the fact that in the Act, read with relevant regulations, it is an inmate with malignant cancer stage four with metastasis, being inoperable or with both radiotherapy and chemotherapy failure that qualifies,” he had said.
“The rationale of the board’s conclusion in this regard is, on the face of it, difficult for me to comprehend.”
Hani’s widow Limpho sat attentively in court, a row ahead of Derby-Lewis’ wife Gaye.
Limpho Hani and the SACP officially entered the fray as respondents in the urgent application launched by Clive Derby-Lewis for his release on medical parole.
While it is certain that Derby-Lewis, who has been in the Eugene Marais Hospital since April this year, will not be home for Christmas, he will know his fate by the end of January.
Judge André Louw sitting in the high court in Pretoria, on Tuesday added the late SACP general secretary Chris Hani’s widow and the party itself as respondents in the 78-year-old Derby-Lewis’s latest bid to be released on parole.
Hani attended the court proceedings on Tuesday, but declined to speak to the media. Her lawyer, Mopane Thaanyane, however said it was important for her to join the proceedings and to have a say in the application.
Asked whether she was opposed to the release of Derby-Lewis, Thaanyane said “only she will be able to say”.
He added that neither she, nor the SACP, had yet had access to Derby-Lewis’s medical records and being a party to the proceedings would make this possible.
While the lawyer would not commit himself on whether they would oppose the application or not, he said the Hani family had since the murder maintained that Derby-Lewis hadn’t revealed the full truth about the assassination.
“They would like him to say more about what happened,” Thaanyane said.
Their complaint about a “full truth not yet revealed” however is said to be cheap ploy to keep Derby-Lewis in prison.
Many maintain that Derby-Lewis is in fact innocent. Chris Hani was gunned down on April 10, 1993, by Polish immigrant Janusz Walus, and not by Derby-Lewis.
While Derby-Lewis had provided Walus with a firearm, Walus had previously stated that he intended to use it in self-defence.
In terms of an agreement between his lawyers and Justice and Correctional Services Minister Michael Masutha, the minister must consider his medical parole by January 31. The minister must on this date also provide his reasons for his decision.
The Medical Parole Advisory Board will consider all Derby-Lewis’s medical reports by December 10 and provide its recommendations to the minister by December 15.
This is the same day on which it will have to make recommendations regarding the possible release of Eugene de Kock on parole.
Derby-Lewis’s application says that he is old and needs frail care, which he will not receive in prison. He has remained in hospital for the past seven months, after he was stabbed in jail by a fellow inmate.
His health has deteriorated to such an extent that he is even too weak to receive surgery.
Coertze said Derby-Lewis suffers from a range of ailments, and his one lung was riddled with cancer.
He said they realised that the Hani family had the right to have a say in his release and thus did not oppose the application.
At the past weekend the SACP in Gauteng marched to the Kgosi Mampuru correctional facility, handing over a memorandum to the Department of Correctional Services with demands including that any parole application by Hani’s killers, Clive Derby-Lewis and Janusz Walus be denied. They were both given life sentences, and have served 20 years. Mr Derby-Lewis was denied parole in 2011 and again last year. He was stabbed twice in prison in recent months.
The main reason the SACP opposes their amnesty application is their refusal to divulge the “full circumstances of the killing”.
“They have not disclosed the fuller wider conspiracy and there clearly was one,” says SACP deputy secretary-general Jeremy Cronin, who represented the party when the pair applied for amnesty. Another factor is the continued endorsement of their “toxic” views publicly. Mr Cronin referred to a letter in a national newspaper this week that described Derby-Lewis in glowing terms. The author said “if he (Derby-Lewis) did what he did to prevent communism, then he did very well”.
“This was a letter indicating support for the assassination, basically,” Mr Cronin says.
“Considering whether he should be released or not, that’s another factor, there are people out there who praise them … they are not just lone lunatics who did something very stupid. There are forces who have not been uncovered, who are still lurking in our society; and secondly, there are people who are brazenly supporting what they did, and the newspaper letting that be published.”
He says more should be done to uncover the truth behind the killing of Hani. The SACP does not simply want amnesty denied to them, but it also wants the “networks” to which they belonged uncovered.
Mr Cronin, too, is cautious about treading into the terrain of “what Chris Hani would say” about South Africa today. But he does feel Hani would have been proud that the ANC has remained in power. Hani was the chief of staff of Umkhonto weSizwe and an ANC national executive committee member.
Mr Cronin says the complications inside the alliance would not have surprised Hani, but the factional battle in the Congress of South African Trade Unions would have been a cause for concern.
“Sometimes the stories we tell of a heroic past are a little one-sided. Hani would have been the first to (acknowledge) there were many, many challenges — and (that there) always are in real struggle. He knew real-life organisations have their complexities and complications, and it’s important to build those organisations, to respect their unity, but at the same time be principled.” Hani would have been a “huge asset” and would not have criticised from the “outside”.
Former intelligence minister and SACP leader Ronnie Kasrils has been in the firing line for his criticism of the ANC after he said he found it difficult to urge people to vote for the party today.
Mr Kasrils agrees more has to be done to uncover all the facts behind Hani’s death. He recalls Hani’s outstanding achievements and unblemished record, in a country plagued by challenges such as maladministration, cronyism and corruption. Quoting a biography of Hani, he says Hani believed that if the ANC did not deliver, the people should not hesitate “to march against them”.
There are many lessons to draw from Hani’s teachings. “I mean, none of us would have believed and imagined we would see police shoot people during protests … Marikana, Andries Tatane and the list goes on … so this is something we need to consider if we learn lessons from what Chris had to say.”
Young Communist League secretary Buti Manamela says Hani believed socialism was about “simple things” such as education, health, shelter and food security. He told Hani’s memorial service on Thursday the SACP had ensured these issues remained on the ANC’s agenda.
The organisers of the Free Clive Derby-Lewis protest invite the media to attend their event at 09h00 on Saturday 12 April at Church Square in the centre of Pretoria.
Apart from celebrity activist Steve Hofmeyr, a number of political parties and Afrikaans cultural organisations are going to participate in the protest.
Mr. Derby-Lewis, a former Conservative Party MP and mayor of Edenvale on the East Rand, has recently been diagnosed with lung cancer and is currently hospitalised. He has already been held 21 years as a political prisoner and survived two recent attacks by inmates at the Pretoria Central prison. On several occasions, he has also been denied medical treatment.
Dr. Dan Roodt, spokesman of the Front National, a political party contesting the current elections in South Africa, made the following comment on Derby-Lewis: “Last year I visited him in prison, prior to the attacks that injured him. He is a kind, articulate, elderly gentleman who does not deserve to be in prison! Together with Janus Walusz, he was denied amnesty by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission for the politically motivated killing of Chris Hani, a communist terrorist, in 1993. However, the TRC granted amnesty to almost all other perpetrators who cited even the remotest political motivation for their deeds, including the APLA mass murderers who had attacked a congregation of the St. James Church during a service, killing eleven people and wounding 58 others on 25 July 1993.”
“Clive Derby-Lewis has been a model prisoner and has qualified for parole since 2008,” he continued. “But until now his release has not been authorised for what many suspect are political reasons. Clive is entitled to justice like everyone else, including the crazed leftist killers with their war crimes on innocent civilians in South Africa and who have all been amnestied by the TRC, to a man.”
The political party Front National has been running an online petition urging his immediate liberation on humanitarian grounds on its website. The petition will be handed to the department of correctional services on Saturday.
Most of us are aware of the ongoing saga of the Waterkloof 4 (Tiedt, van Schalkwyk, Becker & Du Preez), four underage white boys convicted of having assaulted and killed a homeless black man. Apart from the Oscar Pistorius murder, the trial has elicited more publicity than any other in recent South African history and has led to endless denunciations of “white racism” and psycho-babble about “Afrikaner brutality”.
I have been lucky enough to read through the witness and accuseds’ testimonies, crime-scene photos and specialist statements and found all of the evidence to be extremely interesting. Unlike the Oscar Pistorius case, where many details were disclosed in the media, journalists never gave much away when reporting on the Waterkloof 4 case. Maybe it was because it appeared to be open and shut, especially judging by the public and the mainstream media who presumed them guilty before proven innocent. Nevertheless, a guilty verdict was handed down to four of the boys. I’ve decided to lay out the facts about this case by sharing my findings, which come directly from court evidence.
The so-called ‘Waterkloof 4’, from L to R: Gert van Schalkwyk, Christoff Becker, Reinach Tiedt and Frikkie du Preez
Background
August 2003: three boys who had knowledge of the crime decided to come clean regarding the incidents which took place in December 2001. These three identify the “Waterkloof 4”, aged 15 and 16 at the time of the crime, who are subsequently arrested.
July 2004: they plead not guilty
June 2005: they are found guilty
January 2007: they are sentenced to 12 years imprisonment each
April 2008: they appeal to the High Court
May 2008: their appeal is denied
June 2008: they take their case to the Supreme Court of Appeal
August 2008: their application to the Supreme Court of Appeal is turned down and they start their 12 year sentences
December 2011: two of the four have their sentences converted to correctional supervision after a successful parole hearing
June 2013: the two return to jail after their parole is appealed by Correctional Services
February 2014: the four are released on parole but two are rearrested days later after a video shows them violating prison regulations a day before their release.
The trial
In summary, the State’s case was based mostly on witness testimony that the Waterkloof 4 had assaulted an unknown black man in Constantia Park and later that night brutally assaulted and killed another unknown black man in Moreleta Park. The Waterkloof 4 denied the first assault but admitted to the second assault, with exception that they killed the man or intended to kill him. The only evidence other than witness testimony was the second victim’s body.
Constantia Park assault (alleged first assault according to witness testimony)
The accused vehemently denied this assault took place and thus the State had to prove this event occurred. As mentioned, the only evidence was that of the State’s witnesses as there was no case of assault reported to police and the unknown man was never seen or heard from again.
The Defence accused the witnesses of fabricating the story and this accusation is given some credibility when the State’s witnesses left gaps in their testimony. The judge dismissed these gaps and other anomalies due to “traumatic memory issues on behalf of the witnesses” and accepted their testimony as fact. The defence also brought up the possibility of collusion which the judge dismissed, even though the State’s witnesses had more than a year to collude.
Nevertheless, the Defence had to counter the State’s witnesses’ testimony and did so by looking at phone calls which were used to identify a time line and locations of individuals, with the help of cellular phone towers. Although the calls placed the accused in the vicinity of the second assault (Moreleta Park), they placed significant doubt on whether the Constantia Park assault was possible as it gave the accused (and witnesses which drove with the accused) a maximum of 14 minutes to drive in a fully loaded small Toyota Tazz from Hatfield, look for a shop to buy milk, assault the unknown man in Constantia, wait “5 minutes” for the other accused to meet up with them and then get to Moreleta Park. To make the State’s case worse, the State’s witnesses testified that they were not speeding but the judge corrected this and stated that they were probably speeding, overriding State’s witness testimony and again raising doubts over the credibility of their testimony. The Defence also questioned why the accused had driven through Constantia Park, as this was a longer route to where they were heading.
Although the accuseds’ testimony represented a more reasonable and logical explanation of events as it more reasonably fits the timing of the calls and the logical route to their destination, their testimony was dismissed as lies as it contradicted the testimony of the State’s witnesses. In the end there was no reliable evidence to put the accused at this crime scene other than the State’s witnesses’ testimony which was accepted as reliable.
Near the end of the examination of the Constantia Park assault, the State prosecutor went on to say that the witnesses might have mistaken this event with something that happened on another day:
“Edelagbare, oor hulle getuienis daar op kan hulle verwar het met ‘n ander dag. Dit is hoekom ek nie hard wil betoog oor hierdie klagte nie”
This was ignored by the judge.
Moreleta Park assault
The accused admitted to brutally assaulting an unknown man in Moreleta Park, who they claim was a burglar who had just robbed a residence. This was backed up by the State’s main witness. The Defence however questioned whether the man found in the park was actually the man they assaulted, an outrageous claim, but appears to be supported by the physical evidence (see below). Again the State relied heavily on the State’s witness testimony that the man found in the park was the man the accused assaulted as the man was found in “exactly” the same place the next day after the assault. It must be noted that the main State’s witness, who is not one of the Waterkloof 4, was also involved in the assault but was given immunity for turning State’s witness.
One of the State’s witnesses had disclosed to a teacher that the motive for the attack was purely racial while the accused say that they had gone after a man who had run across the road with a television. They suspected the man of being involved in a burglary. On the day of discovering the victim in the park, a car radio was found next to the victim and this was later found to be stolen as a case of robbery had been reported to the SAPS. The victim was also found with a wallet (money inside), watch, and a ring and was well dressed with new shoes, smart cap and had four tattoos, which appears contrary to the claims that this man was homeless. The State’s witness confession to the teacher prior to the arrests was that the accused never knew of the stolen goods during the attack and only used this as an excuse to do commit their foul deed. Contradicting stories meant that it was up to the State to prove murder.
Besides the State’s witness testimony, the State had very little evidence:
No physical evidence linking the accused to the victim (no DNA, no trace evidence)
No murder weapon (no knives, no hammer)
No time of death (due to “refrigeration”)
By all accounts the assault was described as brutal. Besides the melee of punching and kicking, one of the accused had demonstrated his “Naas Botha” kicks on the victim. A State’s witness testified that this accused had kicked the victim twice in the face with steel tipped shoes, one of which was later found to be dented in. This was confirmed by the aforementioned accused. The entire group had jumped with full weight on the victim like in a “loose rugby scrum”. Another of the accused had hit the victim twice on the crane of the head with a hammer, the first blow bringing the victim to his knees while the second blow floored the victim completely. All of this was admitted by the accused and agrees with State witness testimony. The State’s witness also testified that the accused had made stabbing motions towards the victim (admitted by the accused) but cannot confirm whether the accused had stabbed the victim.
The post mortem indicated that the unknown man had died of severe blood loss cause by one deep cut in his thigh. Besides this cut, the medical experts made the following findings:
There were no bruises or fractures to the skull
There was minor subdural hematoma but no swelling on the brain or any other change to structure of the brain. The fact of whether the hematoma was caused by the assault could not be determined.
Three small scars on the head, two of which had scabbed before the assault, the other one showed no signs of significant bleeding
Face, nose, tongue, throat showed no bruising, discolouration, bleeding, lacerations or scarring
There were no broken teeth
There was no bruising or trauma to the neck
There was no bruising or trauma to the chest and diaphragm
There was no bruising or trauma to the abdomen
Internal organs showed no trauma but some were bleak due to blood loss
No bruises or fracturing on the back
No noticeable bruising, fractures or trauma to the rest of the body
With regards to the cut in the thigh (cause of death), the medical experts made the following conclusions:
The victim had lost between 4 – 5 litres of blood, which meant he would have bled to death over a 24 – 48 hour period as no major arteries were penetrated.
With regards to the object that made the stab wound, the medical specialist found that: “Hierdie gat kon nie veroorsaak gewees het deur ‘n mes, of selfs ‘n dun yesterstaaf nie” or in English, this could not have been made by a knife or even a thin iron rod. The object appeared similar to a spike on a palisade fence which backs up the Defence’s claims that the victim had cut himself on a palisade fence while fleeing from a residence he had burgled.
As you can see this posed serious questions against the State’s argument that the victim found in the park was the man that the accused claim they assaulted. Some of these questions raised by the Defence were:
Physical evidence on the victim shows no correlation to the assault as described by the accused and the witnesses. There is no evidence that suggests a knife or hammer was used in the attack even though a State’s witness had testified that he had seen blood on the hammer after the attack. There was also no evidence that the boys had jumped on the victim or kicked the victim in the face. When the pathologist was asked by the Defence whether it was obvious that the body brought before her was not the body of the man as described in the assault, she answered: “Yes that is correct.” A second pathologist replied with the same answer.
The crime scene inspector found no evidence of blood on the ground near or beneath the victim, or anywhere else in the park for that matter. Where did 4 – 5 litres of blood go? The State contested that the light rain that night may have washed away any evidence of blood or that the victim’s clothing had absorbed all of the blood but this was disputed by the Defence.
The flow of blood on the victim suggests the possibility the body was moved after death and moved to the spot where the body was eventually found.
If the only injury the victim sustained was the cut to the thigh and the victim took between 24 and 48 hours to bleed to death, why did the man remain in the same spot for this lengthy period of time? Why didn’t he seek medical treatment or at least crawl/limp away from the scene?
The victim’s shoes were removed while there had been no mention of this by the accused or State’s witnesses.
In the end however the judge ruled, after quoting a previous case “the State vs. Bernardus 1965”, that the body is full of anomalies and that sometimes death can be caused by the slightest of assaults. Although this judgement contradicts all witness accounts and the physical evidence, this ultimately leads to the guilty verdict for the Waterkloof 4.
Sentencing
The Waterkloof 4 were sentenced to 12 years imprisonment each, five years after the crime was committed (13 years ago). Because of the extreme brutality of the assault, there was much public and media outcry for a harsh sentence. However the law differentiates between adults and minors for sentencing purposes. Taking into account that the perpetrators were juvenile (also first-time offenders), different sentencing laws had to be followed.
Quoting an article by Zita Hansungule, who works at UP’s Centre for Child Law: “In 2009 the Centre for Child Law had challenged the constitutionality of the Criminal Law (Sentencing) Amendment Act which provided that minimum sentences should apply to 16 and 17 year-old offenders.
The High Court found that applying minimum sentences to these offenders was not in line with the Constitution which provides that children have the right not to be detained except as a measure of last resort, and then, if detention is unavoidable, only for the shortest appropriate period of time. The High Court held that in cases pertaining to minors, the courts must consider all available sentencing options, especially non-custodial sentences, before considering detention.
The Constitutional Court was approached to confirm the decision of the High Court. It confirmed the decision and held that the Constitution envisages that detention of young offenders may be possible, but it mitigates the circumstances of detention. It confirmed that for minors, detention is not a first or intermediate resort but a last resort. The Court held that each individual case needs to be examined on an individualised basis so that an appropriate sentence can be found. It stated that ‘legislation cannot take away the right of 16 and 17–year olds to be detained only as a last resort, and for the shortest appropriate period of time, without reasons being provided that specifically relate to this group and explain the need to change the constitutional disposition applying to them’.
These judgements confirmed that children should be treated differently to adults in sentencing, no matter how old they are. Both courts were of the view that children are less physically and psychologically mature than adults, more susceptible to pressure from others and more receptive to rehabilitation than adults.”
Taking this into account the Waterkloof 4 appeared to be sentenced fairly as this is about the maximum that a juvenile will face for a single murder charge.
Parole
As with the case of sentencing, parole is also a thorny issue. In accordance with the law, the Waterkloof 4 were released on parole last week. The law allows for this if the offenders have served 50% of their sentences and have completed internal correctional programmes and have been well-behaved. According to parole documents the four were all but exemplary during their stay. I’ve looked through parole documents and found that they interacted well with other inmates and also took part in social activities. Study courses were also completed during this time. It is thus reasonable to concede that their release on parole is in accordance with the law. Subsequently however, two members of the Waterkloof 4 have been ordered to return to prison after a video showed them “living it up” in their cell a day before release.
Conclusion
It has been more than 10 years of trials, appeals, paroles and controversy, a kind of soap opera that will be remembered by most of us for many decades to come. As I’ve described, there are many questions left unanswered regarding the crimes committed in 2001, those which surfaced during trial. There are also questions we need to ask regarding our criminal justice system. I’d like others’ thoughts on this matter…
Kevin King is a professional DJ and freelance columnist
Former Hard Livings gang leader Rashied Staggie, 57, who is currently on day parole, will be employed as a general cleaner at a Belville office from Thursday, Beeld reported.
Staggie was sentenced in 2003 to 15 years in prison on charges of kidnapping and rape, and in 2004, he received another sentence of 13 years for gun theft.
The sentences ran concurrently, and he was released to serve a term of day parole from Monday 23 September to March 2014.
Pastor Ivan Waldeck, 46, owner of Ukonwaba Investments, said on Wednesday that he had delivered a letter confirming that he had offered Staggie permanent employment, to the department of correctional services.
“He will work as a general cleaner because he has no previous experience. He will commence on September 26. His working hours are from 8am to 4.30pm.” – Sapa
Two of the so-called “Waterkloof Four” who were released from prison under correctional supervision 18 months ago have been ordered back to prison, Beeld reported on Thursday.
Three judges in the High Court in Pretoria ordered Reinach Tiedt and Gert van Schalkwyk — who have each served just under three-and-a-half years in jail — to return to Zonderwater Prison in Cullinan on July 10.
The two, together with Christoff Becker and Frikkie du Preez, each received 12 years in prison after murdering a man in a Pretoria park in 2001.
“We are stunned. We do not understand it,” Tiedt’s father Christoff Tiedt, said on Wednesday.
Jenny Brewis, the pair’s lawyer, said they had yet to study the court’s decision and would decide whether to apply for leave to appeal against it.
Judge Hans Fabricius said in his ruling on Wednesday it would be extremely unfair and inhumane to both Tiedt and Van Schalkwyk to be told to go back to jail immediately, as both had work and other responsibilities.
A full bench of judges set aside district magistrate Peet Johnson’s ruling of December 15, 2011, to convert the men’s prison term to correctional supervision.
An application had been brought by the minister and the correctional services department commissioner to set aside Johnson’s order.
Fabricius said the Criminal Procedure Act stated clearly that such a conversion application could not be made if a prisoner’s release date was more than five years in the future. – Sapa
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