Race remains a legitimate measure of disadvantage in South Africa, the DA said on Sunday.
“A non-racial society is a goal — it doesn’t exist today,” Democratic Alliance parliamentary leader Lindiwe Mazibuko told journalists, speaking at the end of her party’s federal council meeting in Cape Town.
The event, which ran over three days, was attended by about 150 delegates from around the country.
Mazibuko said the “big thing” to come out of the meeting was “the question of whether or not the DA accepts race as a legitimate proxy for disadvantage”.
“The reality is, we don’t live in a non-racial society… So we had to answer a very big policy question, which is going to underpin every redress policy we have — from social development to land reform, and many others in between.
“The question is: Do we believe that in 2013 race is still a legitimate proxy for disadvantage? And the answer was yes.”
Mazibuko stressed this was not a “permanent proxy” for disadvantage.
“It has a horizon,” she said, adding that this limit would depend on future measurements of how successful black advancement proved to be.
DA leader Helen Zille said the message from the conference could be summarised in three broad messages.
“The first is we support BBBEE [broad-based black economic empowerment] that creates jobs… The second is that black advancement benefits everyone. And the third is we support BBBEE when it is broadbased and productive.”
She said this did not imply the party supported the African National Congress approach to redress.
Zille listed what she called the fundamental principles underpinning the party’s so-called economic inclusion policy, and spelled out why the party rejected racial quotas.
“We reject racial quotas in favour of programmes that actively promote black advancement by extending opportunity.”
Responding to a question on whether there had been tensions between members of the DA’s so-called “black caucus” and its “old guard”, as reported in the media, Zille said this had never been an issue.
“There was never an issue… There never really was anything such as a ‘black caucus’… There wasn’t any division or racial polarisation on issues at all,” she said.
On whether there would be “recriminations” over the DA’s apparent confusion in Parliament over its position on employment equity and BEE legislation, Mazibuko said this would not happen. The matter had been dealt with by party structures.
“There will be no recriminations. I have re-allocated two portfolios and that is the extent of the change that will take place at a personal level,” she said.
Zille said the set of policies finalised by her party over the weekend would “drastically reduce poverty and inequality”.
Economic growth had to be inclusive.
“That is why we support corrective programmes that actively promote black advancement without hampering growth and jobs.”
Asked how she thought the party’s voters might respond to these policies in next year’s general election, Zille said black advancement was aimed at benefiting all.
“If there are South Africans who don’t like this, there are many other parties to choose from,” she said. – Sapa
A DA councillor in the Eastern Cape has been suspended for circulating a racist email, The New Age reported on Monday.
Stanford Slabbert had reportedly sent an email saying President Jacob Zuma had more wives than brain cells.
The email also slammed the African National Congress for producing “dumb idiots who wait for handouts”, according to the report.
The email said Zuma had led a country where a quarter of schoolgirls were HIV-positive because South Africans had “spread the disease more than anyone else in the world”.
Western Cape premier Helen Zille warned on Wednesday that the province was “heading towards anarchy” as farmworker protests continued.
The Democratic Alliance leader said in statement she had sent ANC provincial leader Marius Fransman an SMS detailing her concerns.
The SMS read: “We are heading towards anarchy. 1000s of jobs will be lost and an industry potentially destroyed.
“I am receiving horrific reports of farmworker intimidation. [Labour Minister Mildred] Oliphant must be recalled from abroad and begin negotiations on the national minimum wage with all stakeholders.
“It is essential that we remove politics from this matter and stabilise the situation. That is the call you must make. I am extremely worried that lives are in danger and that people will retaliate.”
Zille said later in a statement that Fransman had to distance himself from alleged incitement in the province by the Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu).
Last Wednesday, Cosatu Western Cape secretary Tony Ehrenreich said talks about the protest had to find a way for workers to get decent wages.
“The ill treatment and under-payment of workers by some farmers must stop, otherwise we will see a Marikana in De Doorns,” he said.
Freedom Front Plus spokesman Pieter Groenewald said on Tuesday the party would ask the SA Human Rights Commission to investigate the “correctness” of statements attributed to Ehrenreich.
According to Groenewald, Ehrenreich allegedly told farmers: “There is already blood on the farmworkers, and unless it stops there will be blood on the farmers of these farms.”
On Tuesday Zille said she asked President Jacob Zuma to intervene in the De Doorns farmworkers’ wage dispute, and had called for the defence force to get involved.
Farmworkers continued protests in the Western Cape and burned tyres on Wednesday morning while police fired rubber bullets to disperse a crowd.
Police spokeswoman Constable Lybey Swartz could not confirm this, saying no reports had reached the Western Cape media centre.
Farmworkers in the area started protesting last week in demand of R150-a- day wage and better working conditions.
Last Thursday, Zille was heckled by supporters of expelled ANC Youth League president Julius Malema while visiting the area.
She had to be escorted away by police when her entourage was pelted with stones by the striking farmworkers.
Agriculture Minister Tina Joemat-Pettersson was expected to meet Zuma on Wednesday to obtain his support for higher wages for farmworkers. – Sapa
The NY1 in Gugulethu was rebaptised Steve Biko by the DA
The NY1 road in Gugulethu, Cape Town, was officially renamed Stephen Biko Drive on Monday.
The renaming process was in line with Biko’s philosophy, Cape Town mayor Patricia de Lille said in a speech prepared for delivery on Heritage Day,
This was because it replaced terms from the past, associated with inferiority, with names associated with power.
In the old road name “NY” refers to “native yard”.
“… What was unique in South Africa and the Black Consciousness movement was the mobilisation around asserting agency in the face of history… for freedom,” De Lille said.
This involved breaking down the “mental prison” built through semantic means to emancipate the minds of black South Africans.
“Like many great prophets telling difficult truths, Steve Biko was murdered for his ideas… [and] the power of his revolution.”
Naming the road in his honour was an apt tribute, as it would give power to future generations by doing away with terms associated with historical injustice.
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“…This is the change of a reconciliation programme that tries to shape a better future from a divided past.
“It is by building, brick by brick, the Cape Town of tomorrow that truly belongs to everyone,” De Lille said. – Sapa
A handbook for companies on how to apply affirmative action in South Africa
THE DA’S PLAN FOR BROAD-BASED BLACK ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT THAT WILL BOOST ECONOMIC GROWTH AND JOB CREATION
During apartheid, racial separation and economic discrimination were the defining characteristics of South Africa. Black South Africans were subject to ruthless asset-stripping and restrictions: labour laws that prevented their advancement, land expropriation, business regulations banning black ownership, Bantu education, and laws that prevented black South Africans from living in metropolitan areas.
The DA looks forward to the time when everyone in South Africa can participate fully in a non-racial economy and society. South Africa must continue on the journey towards achieving justice for all. In order to achieve this, we need to make strategic interventions to counter the effects of apartheid’s asset stripping and restrictions. This can be done by growing our economy and creating more jobs for South Africans. Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) is one of the interventions that will help to achieve this.
The Constitution provides a mandate for B-BBEE, as it supports measures to empower persons or categories of persons disadvantaged by discrimination. The majority of South Africa’s people have a legitimate claim to economic redress. If we not do succeed in providing redress, the process of reconciliation, and how South Africans relate to one another, is put at risk. Within this context, the DA supports the underlying principle of B-BBEE.
We are, however, concerned that the guiding principle of B-BBEE is being undermined by a number of factors that have played out in the public sphere and in the media. These include a ‘get rich quick mentality’ among some B-BBEEE tenderers; the emergence of ‘fronting’; the rise of ‘tenderpreneurs’; a lack of long-term sustainability, and the fact that some B-BBEEE beneficiaries do not feel incentivised to create opportunities for others.
The DA believes that we need to change how we implement B-BBEE by altering the scorecard, not discarding it. There have been some notable successes in B-BBEE, and the DA is today submitting working proposals that draw upon these successes to make it work better. This can be done by sharpening the definitions, streamlining and altering the weightings of the scorecard and introducing measures to address our most pressing challenges: job creation, education and skills development.
We will push for such changes in the Portfolio Committee for Trade and Industry, where three sets of regulatory frameworks will soon come under review: the B-BBEE Amendment Bill, amendments to the Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act (PPPFA) and the Revised Codes of Good Practice on B-BBEE.
The PPPFA and B-BBEE Act
Amendments to the PPPFA and the B-BBEE Act were published in December last year. The DA is in broad agreement with them. Specifically,
* The DA supports the intention of the legislation to prohibit and punish fronting activity, its clarification of the definition of fronting, and the strict penalties the legislation proposes for those found guilty of fronting. It is important that fronting in respect of all B-BBEE elements is recognised as a criminal offence – and not just the misrepresentation of black ownership.
* The DA welcomes the alignment between the Codes of Good Practice and procurement regulations, and specifically the fact that the empowerment status of firms tendering for government business must be determined on the basis of all B-BBEE elements, rather than on the basis of ownership alone. This will encourage the business community to broaden its focus in terms of empowerment to include alternative empowerment mechanisms.
There are, however, some concerns which will need to be clarified in the committee:
* Section 12(A) of the B-BBEE amendment bill gives the Minister the right to allow organs of state and public entities to determine their own “transformation policies”, which would take precedence over the Codes of Good Practice. We remain concerned about the potential abuse that may arise from this.
* The appointment of the head of the B-BBEE Commission by the Trade & Industry Minister might bring into question the Commission’s impartiality. The DTI will thus have to give additional assurances that the Commission will remain impartial.
* The Commission has the power to investigate allegations of fronting and may delegate its “duties and functions” to the Special Investigating Unit or “any other person or organ of state”. We believe that it is necessary for these powers of delegation to be clarified.
* The Bill requires that all “public companies listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange” provide to the Commission (a) “the report on their compliance with B-BBEE” and (b) “any other prescribed information”. Given the already cumbersome regulatory environment in which South African businesses have to operate, we will question the limitations on the powers of the Commission to call for information.
* The B-BBEE Commission will now take responsibility for responding to technical questions. The DA will seek specific information on how the Commission will be capacitated to deal with these queries, so as not to repeat the lack of responsiveness by the DTI in handling queries in the past.
The Codes of Good Practice:
The DA believes that there has been an over-emphasis on the ownership component of the empowerment scorecard. Too few have benefited from the government’s insistence on focusing only on ownership for the past few years. This has been to the detriment of other B-BBEE components that have the potential to expand access to economic opportunities.
The Cabinet has approved the revised B-BBEE Codes of Good Practice to be published for public comment. The DA will use the public consultation around these proposals, as well as their consideration in the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, to advocate for ten principled changes to the code. These are as follows:
1. Recognition for contributions to job creation
We will propose an increased weighting to the socio-economic development component, and call for points to be awarded in recognition of employment creation. Employment is the most sustainable way to lift people from poverty, and it acts as an economic multiplier by increasing people’s purchasing power. Specific recognition must be given for job creation by South African businesses.
2. Encouraging access to employment through the Youth Wage Subsidy
An alternative scorecard should recognise job creation via the DA’s proposed Youth Wage Subsidy programme. As it stands, the scorecard for the skills development element awards points for the percentage of black employees participating in learnership programmes offered through the Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs). SETAs are an unwieldy and ineffective tool to bolster skills development, lacking the flexibility to respond to the market.
3. Encouraging participation by black new entrants in ownership transactions
The DA will propose increased recognition for the participation of “black new entrants” in ownership equity programmes. The ownership element currently awards only 2 bonus points for equity deals that benefit individuals who have not previously held ownership in other entities with a total cumulative value of more than R20 000 000. These points can be increased, while reducing the threshold for qualification as a “black new entrant”. This will promote broad-based participation in equity transactions, and help reduce the incentive to “re-empower” those who have already gained access to wealth though B-BBEE.
The DA believes that there should be a cap on the monetary value for individuals and companies participating in B-BBEE deals. This will not prevent black entrepreneurs from accessing investment opportunities. Rather it will determine the extent to which their participation will be deemed to contribute to broad-based empowerment.
4. Allowing local companies to make use of equity equivalent programmes as an alternative to ownership reform
The present Codes allow foreign-owned companies to use specified development programmes as an alternative to equity transfers. Contributions are measured against 25% of the value of the entity’s operations in South Africa. These programmes have the potential to benefit many more people. They provide an alternative to ownership schemes that often tie up capital in B-BBEE, without creating productive participation by black South Africans in the economy. We believe that this option should also be available to local companies.
5. Incentivising both internal and externally focused skills development initiatives.
Cabinet indicated that a decision has been taken to make skills development more outwardly focused. The scorecard currently only recognises contributions to skills development for an entity’s own employees in the skills development component. This excludes South Africa’s large unemployed population from capacity-building initiatives initiated by the business community.
The DA will propose that contributions to skills development opportunities for any South African earning less than R15 000 per month be recognised in the skills development component. Recognition of skills development contributions for non-employees will encourage businesses to invest in equipping South Africans to participate in the formal economy.
6. Increasing the weight of the enterprise development element
We support the proposed merger of the management control and employment equity elements to create an integrated measurement of black participation in strategic decision-making and key management roles. This would allow for additional points to be allocated to both enterprise development and socio-economic development.
To ensure that enterprise development initiatives assist emerging entrepreneurs who add productive value, the Codes must incentivise support to enterprises with black owner-managers, rather than simply firms with black shareholding. Given the potential job-creating power and growth contribution of small businesses, consideration could be given to the recognition of all enterprise development initiatives in support of businesses below a specified turnover threshold – regardless of the racial profile of the small business owners.
7. Recognition for talent management strategies
Employment equity drives will only be sustainable if they are coupled with appropriate strategies to attract, develop and retain talented staff. Recognition for the development of effective talent management strategies should be included in the employment equity element of the scorecard.
8. Recognising support for local industry
Businesses that use local resources should be rewarded for their investment in the South African economy. The DA will support changes to the preferential procurement component that increases recognition for procurement from locally owned businesses, and removes the exclusion benefit for imports. Industries that rely on imports will not be adversely affected as they will continue to be benchmarked against their peers who face the same global supply realities. The aim must be to retain as much capital as possible in the local economy, especially in the rural areas.
9. Easing the regulatory burden on small businesses
Small and medium size enterprises employ 68% of South Africa’s labour force, but carry a very high administrative burden. We welcome the intention to make an upward adjustment in the thresholds for compliance for exempted micro enterprises. We similarly welcome the move to qualify the B-BBEE scorecard and propose that these thresholds are regularly adjusted for inflation.
We are, however, concerned about the proposal that requires Qualifying Small Enterprises (QSEs) to comply with the full B-BBEE scorecard and believe that it is likely to make it much more difficult for small businesses to become compliant with the Codes and reap the potential benefits of a good empowerment status.
10. Reducing the cost of compliance
The cost of compliance to B-BBEE regulations for QSEs can be reduced by introducing B-BBEE audits, once every two years, that produce scorecards which will be valid for 24 months. This would also allow businesses to implement empowerment programmes with slightly longer timeframes.
In sum, the DA’s approach is a unified one: ensuring that the Constitution continues to frame the principles of B-BBEE, and creating the right policy environment for it to succeed. For B-BBEE to succeed, millions of poor and unemployed black South Africans must benefit from it, so that they can lift themselves and their families out of poverty, acquire new skills and ensure that their children are able to gain access to the formal economy.
A motion to shut down Afrikaner survivalist group Kommandokorps’s “hate camp” was adopted by the Mpumalanga provincial legislature, the province said on Wednesday.
The Democratic Alliance’s motion was adopted on Tuesday, provincial spokesman Lebona Mosia said.
“We support it [the motion] and agree that this thing must be shut down,” he said.
DA provincial leader Anthony Benadie said the motion was “a decisive victory in the fight against racism”.
“Mpumalanga provincial police commissioner, Lt-Gen Thulani Ntombela [has been] requested to use every legal means available to him to shut down the camp, pending a full investigation into what is happening there,” Benadie said in a statement.
“The house condemns racism of all kinds, both in this house and elsewhere in our province. The continued existence of this camp must be regarded as an affront to our democratic order, and it must be stopped now.”
The Mail & Guardian reported on Friday that the Kommandokorps’s instructors taught boys as young as 13 that there was a race war in the country and that South Africa’s black population was the enemy.
Following an infantry-style curriculum, the youths were lectured by camp leader Franz Jooste, 57, on racial differences, which included a claim that black people had a smaller cerebral cortex than whites and could not take the initiative or govern effectively.
He was quoted as saying that aside from the aborigines in Australia, the African black was the “most under-developed, barbaric member of the human race”.
On Monday, Jooste denied the reports.
“No utterances of hate speech are ever made. Cadets are taught to love their own language, culture, traditions, religions and race. That is in the Constitution,” he said in a statement.
Benadie said the training took place on a farm outside Carolina in Mpumalanga.
“It is not a permanent camp or militant base, and the owners of the farm hold no connection to the Kommandokorps,” he said.
“While the DA motion is now a resolution of the legislature and must be implemented, the DA has already traced and interacted directly with the owners of the farm, and appealed to them not to allow further Kommandokorps training or activities to take place at their facilities.” – Sapa
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