Dan Roodt: Afriforum and Ernst Roets’s betrayal

Recently, Ernst Roets sought to assure the world that Afriforum “rejects white nationalism”. Whatever he means by that is open to interpretation but he saw fit to characterise me as “white nationalists” in his statement.

I am the father of dizygotic twins, but am not myself a Siamese twin so that one could refer to me in the plural. Unless Roets wanted to show that he was now venturing so far out on the spectrum of PCspeak that he was referring to “he” and “she” as simply “they” as some LGBTI activists do. According to Wikipedia, “In the early 21st century, use of singular they with known individuals has been promoted for those who do not identify as male or female”.

Now, I have news for Ernst Roets. I definitely identify as male, even “toxically male”. I do not wear make-up or dresses, so there is no need for him to refer to me in the plural or “singular they”, as the case may be.

However, his link to a News24 article, contains a previous unwarranted attack on me when his colleague Kallie Kriel sided with the American Daily Show, who fraudulently edited an interview with me to convey exactly the opposite of what I had actually said, to call me a “racist”.

There may be honour amongst thieves, but not among Afrikaners being called “racists”. I think both Kallie Kriel and Afriforum have been vilified as racists more times than I have, but they instinctively side with the enemy rather than with their fellow Afrikaner. Or whites.

This reminds me a bit of a fascinating conversation I had with PW Botha not long before his death. Speaking to him was almost like dialing up history on those old communal telephone lines, with voices activated out of the past. PW Botha had known or met many famous twentieth-century figures, including of course Margaret Thatcher, as well as the first president of Israel, Chaim Weizmann, who had given him a sword. But as a young man in the NP, PW had also served as an aide to Dr. DF Malan.

Apparently PW had quizzed Malan on why the split of 1933 had taken place between the Hertzog and Malan factions. Malan had remained silent for a while, while PW created the same anticipation in me, listening to his firm, well-articulated voice, even at his advanced age. When he spoke the word, it was almost as if I could hear DF Malan pronouncing it himself: “Afrikanerverraad.” That one, terrible word said it all, a century of betrayals that stretched from the Anglo-Boer War right to the moment when Tertius Delport was begging FW de Klerk not to surrender completely to the ANC, one early morning in the Union Buildings prior to the release of the so-called “Record of Understanding”.

Roets’s denunciation of “white nationalism” by referring to me has no other logic than that of a bizarre, atavistic lapse into Afrikanerverraad. Instead of citing any of my multifarious writings, of which there are about a million words scattered on the internet, he prefers linking to Adriaan Basson’s stereotypically liberal News24 with its regular diatribes against both whites and Afrikaners. Clearly, in his zeal to distance himself from “white nationalism”, Roets would collude with the looney left, perhaps even Julius Malema or Andile Mngxitama, with whom Afriforum seem to skirmish in the courts for light entertainment but does not criticise their black nationalism.

As Roets puts it, “black nationalism could be equally problematic, but that is not the point of this article”. No, black nationalism, which is threatening to plunge South Africa into the kind of downward spiral reminiscent of Zimbabwe or Uganda under Idi Amin, may be tolerated. The real danger against which Roets seems to fulminate is “white nationalism”. He defines it thus:

“White nationalism has been described in many different ways, but essentially it boils down to promoting the interests of white people, because they are white.”

Then he goes on to explain that Afriforum has a “communitarian approach” and that “people freely associate with particular communities” that are “naturally organised along cultural, linguistic or religious lines”. Also, “Afriforum does not have a focus on the rights of the ‘white community’ and would object to such a description…”

So whites being singled out for affirmative action or racial quotas in sport or even genocidal rhetoric such as that spouted by Malema or Mngxitama will no longer be defended by Afriforum, being opposed to “white nationalism”. We know that South African whites are not popular, neither with the ANC nor with the mainstream media with whom Afriforum is so cosily aligned, especially News24, so what Ernst Roets is really intimating to us is:

“Whitey, you’re on your own.”

But, Ernst Roets diffidently assures us, it is

“not inaccurate” to “describe Afriforum as a conservative organisation… while we dissociate with the stigma that is today associated with conservatism as an ideology that seeks to return to the past, or that objects to change merely because it isn’t able to deal with change, or that seeks to preserve heritage at the expense of progress”.

Roets’s defence of “conservatism” sounds about as wishy-washy as Afriforum’s objection to the blanket ban on the 1928 flag which it would never display itself and “discourages” people from displaying, but would defend as an expression of “freedom of speech”. So I suppose in tune with Roets’s Canadian-style, multicultural “communitarianism” whereby “people freely associate with particular communities”, including a few die-hard Afrikaners and KhoiSan, but also the communities of Rastafarians, gays and swingers, Afriforum would always be there for them, provided they have signed a debit order.

Gay white nationalists exist and possibly there are conservative Christian swingers too, who knows? Afriforum would reject the former but embrace the latter, or at least it would champion non-nationalist white gays. Nationalism seems to be the thorn in the side here.

Given that it does not itself fly the oranje-blanje-blou, Afriforum would do well to follow the example that I saw at the Canadian embassy in Warsaw in 2018, and hoist the gay flag! After all, no-one would be offended and suspect it of “seeking to preserve heritage at the expense of progress”.

Take it from me, Ernst, if Afriforum had to hoist the gay flag above its headquarters it would be seen as downright progressive and I am sure Eusebius McKaiser would give you at least an hour’s worth of enthusiastic airtime on Radio 702.

Gay pride is kosher, but not white pride, as we know. Call it the Zeitgeist or the dominant ideology, but we are all painfully aware of the weight with which it presses down upon us.

Apart from its casual betrayal of many committed and patriotic Afrikaners such as myself, I see other problems with Afriforum’s lack of conviction in the face of the leftist sewage pipe (“stigmatising and stereotyping”) that is trained on anyone daring to stand up for the rights of the white minority in South Africa. As many people have already said: One does not choose one’s race, despite what the “whiteness theorists” say. Being white, is not something you can be cured of.

Guillaume Faye who died early this year, associated with the so-called “new right” and identitarianism, often stressed that one does not choose one’s identity, but is at least partially defined by one’s enemies. Even if every white in South Africa had to abjure “whiteness” (I must apologise for using this obnoxious term again but it seems apposite), the DA, ANC and all the black-nationalist parties left of it would still see us as “whites”. We are criticised and attacked, sometimes as Afrikaners, but more often simply as “the whites”.

Again, this is none of our own choosing. The moment we object to being insulted, attacked and legislated against as whites, we will be stigmatised as “racists”, “fascists”, “white nationalists”, “heteronormative toxic males” and every other flavour in the leftist cookbook.

Evidently, Afriforum is not up to weathering such a semantic onslaught and would prefer to scurry down the multicultural rabbit hole, together with Justin Trudeau, who may or may not be wearing Islamic robes or his gay-pride costume, depending on the day of the week.

Afriforum seems to have some courage in taking on the powers-that-be. But not enough, I am afraid. In many of its fights, and not only regarding the flag, it seems lukewarm, without passion. Is that what we need, in these times of decay and every-day terror?

The old National Party did not really fight the ANC so much as those Afrikaner parties and groups to the right of it such as the CP, HNP and AWB, Afrikanervolksfront, Freedom Front, etc. Having divided the conservative or righ-wing movement in South Africa, is it any wonder that the NP finally capitulated to the Marxist ANC and South African Communist Party? Afriforum will enter into agreements with Malema’s EFF, such as it did around the “Kill a Boer” song, yet it would not be seen in public, let alone make an agreement with Afrikaner organisations it deems “nationalist”.

It seems to have taken a leaf from the American “cuckservative” handbook: to make youself more respectable to liberals, the left and, of course, the mainstream media, you have to attack other conservatives and stigmatise them as “right-wing” and “nationalist”. The ANC or the EFF does not have to fight Afrikaner organisations; Afriforum will do it for them, in its quest to become the cuckservative champion in South Africa. Soon Ernst Roets will even call Helen Zille of the former Progressive Party and Rand Daily Mail, “right-wing” and “racist”.

Recently, Helen Zille told Max du Preez during their tête à tête recorded on video: “Max, everybody on Twitter calls everybody else ‘racist’.” But I suppose Afriforum wants to make sure it is part of the crowd calling others “racist”, instead of at the receiving end of the insult, where they currently find themselves.

However, the thing that bothers me the most about Afriforum is its lack of intellectual rigour. It reminds me of the National Party in its death throes, when it was everything to everyone. It was finally swallowed up by its arch-enemy, the ANC, under Kortbroek van Schalkwyk. In its many compromises and tip-toeing around fake lexical traps (such as “white nationalism”), the organisation is betraying a fear of being “caught out” by the PC mob, rather than any clear strategic thinking or set of convictions.

In the face of extremism — even the ruling party is extremist in many of its policies — Afriforum is offering us a few half-hearted clichés about “community rights” and “freedom of speech”. I am almost tempted to say that, confronted with white genocide (which many overseas observers are discerning in South Africa, given the violence and arsenal of laws and policies deployed against us whites), Afriforum is offering us a band-aid or some aspirin.

It is too scared or too shallow of intellect to think through to the heart of the problem which is, admittedly, complex and not easy to circumscribe or to find solutions for. In many respects, South Africa is the first quasi-Western society collapsing under the weight of its own unmanageable diversity, be it ethnic, ideological, cultural or linguistic.

My oft-repeated slogan is that the National Party did not fail due to a lack of resources or funds. It had a functioning state, media, embassies in the most sought-after parts of Western capitals, a powerful army, dedicated police and universities full of loyal academics. Ultimately its failure was an intellectual one, because it was not prepared to confront its enemies in the battle of ideas. Long before it embraced an ANC takeover, it had capitulated intellectually.

Afriforum might be a well-financed NGO, taxing hundreds of thousands of Afrikaners every month with debit orders, but it has nothing compared to the resources of the former National Party government. The current state can fight it in the courts every day, using taxpayer funds.

Our only hope is that there could arise a group or organisation that would fearlessly expose the moral and ideological bankruptcy of the ANC-terrorist regime and its fatal grip on the country, no matter how much the deranged leftists in the media and in the ANC itself would hurl their usual abuse: “racist”, “fascist”, “white nationalist”, “white supremacist”, “toxic male”, etc. It must not only confront and break down the dominant ideology, but also offer an alternative vision for the country, a way out of the present impasse.

Alas, Afriforum is not that organisation. It and its “head of policy and action”, Ernst Roets, are too frileux, as the French say. Which one might translate as: “cautious”.

Letter: Wyoming, the White Zion

Wyoming is the ideal destination for any serious effort at a Northwest Migration. This post is a rough sketch at pitching the Wyoming heresy to “White zionists”.

(1) Aesthetic Beauty – If I were to ever move anywhere out West, I would pack my bags and head toward the Tetons, where Old Faithful blows and the buffalo roam. Few other places in North America can compete with Wyoming in terms of sheer natural beauty. The discovery of Yellowstone caused mankind for the first time in history to stop, pause, and preserve a piece of nature for the enjoyment of future generations.

(2) Population – Wyoming has the smallest population (544,270) of any state in America. It thus has the smallest hurdle to political power to clear for aspiring White Zionists on the make.

In the Wyoming House of Representatives, each district represents about 9,000 people. In the Wyoming Senate, each seat represents around 17,000 people. The number of registered voters who participate in Wyoming state elections is much smaller in each district. A simple majority is sufficient to acquire representation at the state level.

In Wyoming, White Zionists have their most favorable political map for a BNP-style breakout into mainstream politics. It is easier here than anywhere else. If White Zionists can’t win in Wyoming, they are far less likely to win on more challenging terrain in the Pacific Northwest.

Governor-Elect Matt Mead of Wyoming won the Republican nomination for Governor with only 30,272 votes. Wyoming has 2 U.S. Senators (the same as California and New York) and 3 votes in the Electoral College.

In Wyoming, each vote in the Electoral College represents 164,594 people. In California, each vote represents 627,532. Whether it be on the federal or the state level, White Zionists can have their greatest impact on the American political landscape in Wyoming.

(3) Favorable Demographics – Wyoming is the most conservative state in America. In Wyoming, 53 percent of residents identify as conservatives. By comparison, 53 percent of residents in Mississippi and 49 percent of residents in Alabama are conservatives.

Wyoming is effectively Alabama or Mississippi without blacks. It is Utah without Hispanics. In Wyoming, 86 percent of residents (2009 Census) are Non-Hispanic White. The concentration and political hegemony of “Reds” in Wyoming provides White Zionists with a far more receptive local population to work with than the SWPL-dominated Pacific Northwest.

52 percent of Wyoming’s population lives in 5 major cities. The population in Wyoming is more dispersed across the countryside than in other Western states like Nevada. This is one of the major reasons Wyoming has proven so much more resistant to leftwing ideas.

As of 2009, Washington is 74.6 percent White. There are roughly 25,903 blacks, 686,412 Hispanics, and 466,493 Asians living in that state with Harold Covington.

As of 2009, Wyoming is 86 percent White. There are roughly 7,619 blacks, 14,151 American Indians, and 44,140 Hispanics living there. Most of the Hispanics are illegal aliens that can be driven out with an Arizona-style immigration law.

Demographically speaking, Wyoming is clearly a more favorable state than Washington: there are far less total non-Whites, Whites are a higher percentage of the population, the Whites who live there are rock ribbed conservatives, not SWPLs.

(4) Nordic Reservoir – If you are a Nordicist, Wyoming is an attractive state to relocate to. By ethnicity, the White population of Wyoming is 25.9% German, 15.9% English, 13.3% Irish, 6.5% American, 4.3% Norwegian, and 3.5% Swedish. Wyoming is a healthy mix of Americans of Northwestern European ancestry.

(5) Taxes – Wyoming has far more attractive land prices and tax rates than Washington.

Property Taxes:

Wyoming – $1,012, 1.57% of income
Washington – $2,595, 3.52% of income

Excise Taxes – Cigarettes:

Wyoming – 60
Washington – 202.5

Excise Taxes – Beer:

Wyoming – $0.02
Washington – $0.26

Excise Taxes – Gasoline:

Wyoming – 14
Washington – 37.5

State Sales Tax:

Wyoming – 4.0
Washington – 6.25

State Income Tax:

Wyoming: No State Income Tax
Washington: No State Income Tax

Wyoming has lower property taxes, lower excise taxes, a lower state sales tax, and no income tax. Land is cheaper.

In Wyoming, there is no corporate sales tax. There is no sales tax on food or inheritance tax on estates. There is no tax on out-of-state retirement income. Personal property for personal use is tax exempt. There are no taxes on intangible assets such as bank accounts, stocks, or bonds.

Wyoming has the most “business friendly” climate of all 50 states. If you are a White Nationalist small business owner, it is relatively easier (and might actually be more profitable) to relocate to Wyoming.

Wyoming’s cost of living is 7.60% lower than the national average.

(8) Education – Under the Wyoming state constitution, the state government is prohibited from establishing curriculums and textbook selections. This is the prerogative of local schools boards. The public schools in Wyoming could theoretically be hijacked by migrating White Zionist families.

Wyoming public schools spend $7,447 per student. The average school expenditure in the U.S. is $5,678. Wyoming ranks last among the states in terms of students enrolled in private schools. The low numbers of non-Whites in Wyoming (combined with local control of school boards) translates into a stronger public sector.

(9) Low Crime – The Whiteness of Wyoming is reflected in its crime statistics and national ranking: 47 in total crime, 32 in crimes per 100,000 persons, 43 in violent crimes per 100,000 persons, 45 in murders per 100,000 persons, 36 in rapes per 100,000 persons, 49 in robberies per 100,000 persons, 30 in aggravated assaults per 100,000 persons, 43 in burglaries per 100,000 persons, 22 in larcenies and theft per 100,000 persons.

(10) Grievances – Wyoming has ready made grievances against Washington that can easily be exploited. 48 percent of land in Wyoming is owned by the federal goverment. 6 percent of land is owned by the state government. Over 50 percent of land in Wyoming is effectively closed to private development.

What’s more, Wyoming is an energy intensive state like West Virginia. It is America’s largest coal producer. It is the second largest producer of natural gas and the fifth largest producer of oil in the United States.

“Cap and Trade” is a mortal threat to Wyoming’s economy. In West Virginia, Joe Manchin literally had to shoot a target of Cap and Trade to get elected to the Senate. A future Democratic Congress even more in thrall to environmentalist groups would provide a useful foil in stirring up anti-government sentiment in Wyoming.

(11) Climate – The climate in Wyoming is not as bad as some have made it out to be. Wyoming is a dry state with warm summers. The wind could be harnessed as yet another energy source. It has a better water supply than California, Nevada, Arizona or other parched Southwestern states which are more populous. There is plenty of land for cattle ranching and growing wheat.

If White Zionists relocated to Wyoming, they would adapt to the climate like they have everywhere else: Iceland. Norway, Russia, Rhodesia, etc. It is far easier to live in Wyoming today than in the Deep South (with its hurricanes) during the nineteenth century before refrigerators and air conditioning.

(12) Anti-Blue – Wyoming is not a “fun state” with a lot of flashy cities like Seattle or Portland. Greg Johnson would never move there. This is another advantage that Wyoming has over Washington. Like Nebraska or Kansas, it has not yet become an attractive destination for SWPLs migrating out of California and the Heartland, who are adverse to the rural conservative mores of Wyoming.

(13) Successful Model – There is already a successful model of a White Zionist migration to the Interior West: the colonization of Utah by the Mormons.

If the Mormons can create a civilization in the Great Salt Lake Valley, why can’t White Zionist homesteaders enjoy similar success in Wyoming? Is the climate of Utah more or less hospitable to colonization?

(14) Ready Made Cities – Instead of carving cities out of the wilderness, there is nothing stopping White Zionists from relocating to Wyoming’s five largest cities or its smaller towns:

Cheyenne – 57,618 (population), 79.2% (non-Hispanic White)

Casper – 54,874 (population), 94.03% (non-Hispanic White)

Laramie – 28,850 (population), 90.81% (non-Hispanic White)

Gillette – 28,726 (population), 95.50% (non-Hispanic White)

Rock Springs – 20,905 (population), 91.75% (non-Hispanic White)

By way of comparison, there are 602,000 people in Seattle, 68.4% of whom are non-Hispanic White, 3,407,848 in the Seattle metropolitan area.

There are 529,121 people in Portland, 74 percent of whom are non-Hispanic White, 2,217,325 in the Portland metropolitan area.

It goes without saying that the vast majority of Whites in Seattle and Portland are SWPLs, not “Reds” like in Cheyenne or Casper, and that White Zionists would have a far greater impact in Wyoming than in Washington or Oregon because of the smaller, more conservative population.

In the second tier of Wyoming cities, you have Sheridan (population, 17,461), Green River (population, 12,149), Evanston (population, 11,781), Riverton, (population, 10,032), and Jackson (population, 9,806). Now how hard do you suppose it would be for White Zionists to get elected mayor, sheriff, or city councilman in those cities?

Undoubtedly, it would be a A LOT easier to raise your head above the water on that kind of political map.

(15) Attractive Neighbors – Wyoming’s neighbors share many of its favorable characteristics: Idaho, Montana, South Dakota, North Dakota. A successful White Zionist free state project in Wyoming could inspire a real Northwest Migration to Idaho, Montana, and the Dakotas.

(16) Jobs – As of September 2010, the unemployment rate in Wyoming was 6.2 percent, well below the national average. By comparison, the unemployment rate in Washington state (dominated by SWPLs who favor higher taxes and bureaucratic red tape) is 8.6 percent.

(17) Fiscal Responsibility – Wyoming has a small budget deficit of $31.8 million in FY 2010. It is in great shape compared to Blue States like California, Illinois, New York, and Connecticut which are tottering on the brink of a Greek style fiscal meltdown.

The same is true of North Dakota which has a budget surplus and the lowest unemployment rate in America. It is easy to imagine a future scenario where fiscally responsible states like North Dakota and Wyoming go their own way, repudiate the national debt, and refuse to bailout the Californias of America.

(18) The Jewish Question – Jews are 0 percent of Wyoming’s population. By comparison, Jews are 1 percent of Washington state, which translates into about 66,641 Jews on the ground. Ron Wyden, U.S. Senator from Oregon, is Jewish.

(19) Non-Religious – In terms of religion, 79 percent of Wyoming residents are Christians. 18 percent are non-religious. For White Nationalists who can’t get over their aversion to Christianity, Wyoming is a more attractive destination than the Deep South.

(20) Realistic Strategy – Wyoming is a more realistic destination for White Zionists. The definition of a tactic is what you can do with what you got. Decades of experience has shown the following:

  • White Nationalists are adverse to social ostracism and employment discrimination. They will not go public with their beliefs in a setting in which they are outnumbered.
  • Aside from unhinged vanguardist lone wolves like James von Brunn, White Nationalists are adverse to physical violence, and favor lawful methods of resolving their disputes. This fact alone rules out the fantasy of an IRA-style terrorist rebellion that Harold Covington advocates.

Taking these critical facts into account, a White Zionist migration to Wyoming could succeed where Harold Covington’s Northwest Migration is doomed to failure.

In the second tier Wyoming cities like Sheridan, Green River, Evanston, Riverton, and Jackson, the population is small enough to allow a critical mass of White Zionists to take over the public schools, city governments, and local law enforcement positions with a simple majority. In such a context where White Nationalists are an outright majority, the stick of social ostracism and employment discrimination wouldn’t work.

White Nationalists could seize power without firing a shot. Such an experiment (wholly theoretical and still highly unlikely) would be interesting to watch. It could potentially demonstrate the efficacy of the White Zionist model. If White Zionists are going to uproot themselves in pursuit of their racial ideal, it stands to reason they should at least go to the place where they are most likely to succeed.

(21) Objections – The most common objection to the Wyoming scenario is that the state is landlocked and that it is an unviable destination as a White homeland. This is not as persuasive a criticism as it seems at first glance.

SWPLs dominate the Pacific Coast. Any success that a Northwest Migration would have would be in Idaho or Eastern Washington and Eastern Oregon where the population is more conservative and receptive to pro-White ideals. In other words, where the population is more like that of Wyoming.

If every White Nationalist in America moved to Eastern Washington or Eastern Oregon, they would still be outvoted by the SWPLs in Portland and Seattle, and if they launched a rebellion (an even more unlikely scenario), the SWPL dominated state governments would quickly call for the White House to dispatch federal troops which have legal authority to suppress any insurrection.

This type of thinking is also symptomatic of thinking in terms of light years instead of inches, yards, and miles. The biggest problems facing the White Zionist model is that (A) most White Nationalists are not convinced it can work, (B) it is currently based on unrealistic vanguardist expectations (i.e., successful armed insurrection) and (C) the mainstream media is suffocating the White Nationalist movement through lack of positive publicity.

These are all problems where the Wyoming model shines through: (A) the small population of Wyoming, especially in the second tier cities, sets the lowest bar anywhere in America for White Zionists to achieve the small victories necessary to build confidence, (B) the method of acquiring power (voting with your feet and at the ballot box) is completely legal and can be done anonymously, and (C) the success of White Zionists in Wyoming (say, taking over a city and then parts of the Wyoming state legislature) would draw the publicity that is the indispensable, life giving oxygen that a Northwest Migration would require to succeed.

Within a matter of two or three years, White Zionists in Wyoming could show the White Nationalist movement that it is actually possible to acquire political power and live a healthy White life in a community setting in the Interior West. That would be a far more persuasive argument than browbeating people who live in Illinois and North Carolina to drop everything they are doing and uproot themselves to migrate to a SWPL-dominated Blue State in the Pacific Northwest.

Finally, if White Zionists by some miracle were successful in taking over the State of Wyoming, they could use the unparalleled energy resources of the state (coal, natural gas, petroleum, and possibly wind) as a bargaining chip to negotiate their sovereignty and independence in a decaying America living in the aftermath of Peak Oil.

By that time, the neighboring states of Montana, Idaho, North Dakota, and South Dakota would be overflowing with White Zionists. Wyoming is unlikely to go out alone. Its potential lies in demonstrating the success of the White Zionist model and building the critical mass of momentum necessary to propel White Zionists to victory.

(22) Perks and Political Representation – Aside from all the above advantages to White Zionists, Wyoming is already a solid Red State and a pretty good place to live out West (low taxes, low unemployment, low crime, good public schools, low cost of living, cheap land, few non-Whites, no Jews, fiscally responsible government, conservative neighbors, great scenery, favorable political demographics) if you just want political representation and a healthy environment (lots of wide open space outdoors) in which to raise White cowboys and cowgirls in masculine and feminine virtues.

Fantasy fiction aside, that’s enough to satisfy most White Nationalists.

Republicans have controlled both chambers of the Wyoming state legislature for decades. Cynthia Lummis, Wyoming’s lone representative in the House of Representatives, is opposed to amnesty. She has a “B-” from Numbers USA. Senator Michael Enzi and Senator John Barrasso both get an “A” on their report card.

Final Thoughts

If a White Zion is going to be created anywhere in America, Wyoming presents the most favorable map for making progress toward that goal. A few thousand White Zionists could migrate to Wyoming like the Mormons in Utah or the Jayhawkers in Kansas and demonstrate the success of the PLE model. That would provide the necessary catalyst and exposure to spark a real and sustainable Northwest Migration.

Personally, I think the State of Wyoming can make its own case. It doesn’t need me to convince you to move there. If an endangered species like the bison can be reborn in Wyoming, so can the White man.

— John Pelham, From The Provinces – 19 August 2017

Sydney’s ‘Reclaim Australia’ rally against Islam

Five people have been arrested over sporadic violence in Sydney, where right-wing activists from the ‘Reclaim Australia’ movement held a protest with police trying to keep them separated from a counter-rally by pro-tolerance protesters.

Some 150 Reclaim Australia activists gathered in Sydney’s Martin Place to protest against what they called the Islamization of the country, some of them wearing Spartan outfits and carrying Eureka flags, controversial symbols of rebellion in Australia.

Separated by a police-enforced buffer zone, a counter-protest standing for multiculturalism and against Islamophobia gathered.

The five were arrested over violent clashes between the two rallies, AAP reported. Police said at least two of the arrests may lead to charges.

“We respect your right to protest and police will facilitate that and work to support peaceful demonstration on every occasion. But those who wish to come and commit offences, intimidate or be offensive will be arrested,” NSW Assistant Commissioner Alan Clarke told SBS News.

Similar pro and counter-rallies were held in other Australian cities on Sunday, including Brisbane, Perth, Hobart and Canberra, with no major incidents reported. In Mackay, Federal Coalition MP George Christensen addressed a Reclaim Australia rally, calling for action to defend the nation’s values.

“Our voice says we will not surrender, we will not sit idly by and watch the Australian culture and the Australian lifestyle that we love, and that is envied around the world … we are not going to see that surrendered and handed over to those who hate us for who we are and what we stand for,” he said.

Police said the Sunday rallies demonstrated a “good level of compliance” by the protesters, an improvement compared to the altercations of Saturday’s rally in Melbourne, when police had to use pepper spray to maintain order.

Reclaim Australia says it stands for maintaining Australia’s national identity and is against the spread of Islam in the country. Their critics consider them racist and accuse of neo-Nazi leanings.

“Claiming to be a patriot is one thing and being too patriot[ic] is another. We [Muslims] are a 2 percent minority here, so to say that radical Islam is taking over Australia is completely false, there’s no reality to it,” Waseem Razvi, president of Australia’s Islamic Research and Education Academy, told RT.

“A real patriot would not stand against minorities, but stand alongside the minorities, respecting the constitution and respecting the multicultural spirit of Australia,” he said.

The weekend protests come during this year’s Eid al-fitr festivities, when Muslims celebrate the end of the holy month of Ramadan.

Putin’s favorite white philosopher

A rundown of beliefs espoused by Ivan Ilyin, Russia philosopher who most influenced the current Russia president

By Paul Robinson

In his speech to the Russian parliament on 4 December, Vladimir Putin quoted philosopher Ivan Ilyin, who died 60 years ago. Putin supervised the repatriation and reburial of Ilyin’s body in 2005, and has laid flowers on Ilyin’s grave.

He has quoted him several times before. Ilyin’s Our Tasks (Nashi Zadachi) was one of three books distributed by the Kremlin as recommended reading to regional governors and senior members of the United Russia party in early 2014.

And on December 22nd of this year, members of the Duma, Federation Council, and Presidential Administration will meet in Moscow for a round-table discussion of his work.

If Putin has a favourite philosopher, Ilyin seems to be the man. So who was he and what did he believe in?

Born in 1883, Ilyin studied law at Moscow State University and completed his thesis The philosophy of Hegel as a doctrine of the concreteness of God and humanity in 1916.

Resolutely anti-communist, he was expelled from Soviet Russia in 1922 along with some 200 other intellectuals on the infamous ‘philosophers’ steamboat’.

He then took up residence in Berlin, where he made contact with members of the exiled White army of General P.N. Wrangel, who nicknamed him Belyi (White) on account of the pure belizna (whiteness) of his opinions.

Ilyin became the unofficial ideologist of the White Army in exile, and much of his work thereafter was as much political as it was philosophical, and was aimed at a wider audience than other philosophers.

Ilyin’s work covered a large variety of subjects, including the philosophy of Hegel, law, politics, the ethics of violence, the nature of the Russian nation, and the tasks incumbent on Russian émigrés.

He was in many respects a religious philosopher, in that he regarded spiritual matters as more important than material ones. He believed that the Russian revolution was a product of the spiritual failings of the Russian people.

Russia’s resurrection depended on the revival of the correct spirit, including a love of God, a love of Russia, respect for the law, a sense of duty and honour, and devotion to the state and the common weal rather than personal or party interests.

It is difficult to reduce the writings of such a complex thinker to a few lines, but three themes stand out: gosudarstvennost’ (statehood); pravosoznanie (legal consciousness); and natsionalizm (nationalism).

Gosudarstvennost’. Ilyin was a firm believer in a strong state. Gosudarstvennost’ can be viewed in purely descriptive terms as meaning the system of government, but it is also a value-laden term.

It implies a belief that the interests of the state should come first. In this sense it can be contrasted with obshchestvennost’, which is often translated as ‘public opinion’ but more accurately describes the liberal stratum of Russian society and its beliefs, and it can be contrasted also with partiinost’, the ideology of the Communist Party, which placed the interests of the party first.

Ilyin believed that to view the state as a balance of competing material interests was profoundly mistaken. The state should work for the general good. To this end, it must be strong.

In Russia, a weak state would result in anarchy. ‘Russian state power will be strong, or it won’t exist at all’, he wrote. Ilyin rejected federalism and demanded a unitary state, ‘dictatorial in the scope of its powers.’ He favoured autocracy, but one filled with ‘creative spirit … a dictatorial-aristocratic-democracy.’

The state should be absolute in those areas in which it had competence. But it should not have competence over everything. ‘At the head of the state must stand a single will,’ he wrote, ‘It cannot and should not regulate everything. The totalitarian state is godless.’ The state had to be bound by law and accountable to the people.

Pravosoznanie: A lawyer by training, Ilyin was a firm believer in the importance of law. One of Imperial Russia’s greatest failings was its undeveloped ‘legal consciousness’, that is to say its people’s sense of what was right and wrong and whether they should obey the law.

One of the most important tasks of the autocratic state would be to develop the people’s legal consciousness until eventually it reached a level at which the people would become capable of self-government.

Until then, however, attempts to impose liberal democratic forms of government would be disastrous. Thus, in The essence of legal consciousness, Ilyin wrote:

‘The political structure and legal consciousness form a living, inseparable unity insofar as not a single reform is possible until a definite improvement in legal consciousness takes place, and any reform that is disproportionate to the state of popular legal consciousness will turn out to be absurd and ruinous for the state. The single true path to any reform is a gradual education in legal consciousness … in its idea the state can be reduced to self-government of the people. However, the sole and objective end of the state is so high and requires from the citizenry such mature legal consciousness that historically the people turn out to be incapable of self government. … Political philosophy must uncover the root of this divergence; state power must find the path to healing it.’

Natsionalizm: Ilyin was a nationalist. Love of country was a central part of his philosophy. Russians he felt, should put Russian interests first. This contrasted with the internationalist philosophy of the communists.

Furthermore, every nation, Ilyin said, should develop in its own way. Thus the West had no right to tell Russians how to run their own country; conditions in Russia weren’t the same as in the West. ‘Western Europe, which doesn’t know Russia, has not the slightest basis for imposing any political forms whatsoever on us,’ Ilyin declared.

At the same time, Ilyin’s vision of Russia was as a multi-national empire. He did not believe that every small nation had a right to self-determination. Ukrainian independence was anathema to him.

But, precisely because Russia was a multi-national country, and precisely because each nation should develop in its own way, Russians should not seek to assimilate the minorities within the country but leave them to develop their own culture.

In 1938 he fled Germany for Switzerland, where he lived the rest of his life, dying there in December 1954.

This article originally appeared here.