Dan Roodt: Afriforum and Ernst Roets’s betrayal

Recently, Ernst Roets sought to assure the world that Afriforum “rejects white nationalism”. Whatever he means by that is open to interpretation but he saw fit to characterise me as “white nationalists” in his statement.

I am the father of dizygotic twins, but am not myself a Siamese twin so that one could refer to me in the plural. Unless Roets wanted to show that he was now venturing so far out on the spectrum of PCspeak that he was referring to “he” and “she” as simply “they” as some LGBTI activists do. According to Wikipedia, “In the early 21st century, use of singular they with known individuals has been promoted for those who do not identify as male or female”.

Now, I have news for Ernst Roets. I definitely identify as male, even “toxically male”. I do not wear make-up or dresses, so there is no need for him to refer to me in the plural or “singular they”, as the case may be.

However, his link to a News24 article, contains a previous unwarranted attack on me when his colleague Kallie Kriel sided with the American Daily Show, who fraudulently edited an interview with me to convey exactly the opposite of what I had actually said, to call me a “racist”.

There may be honour amongst thieves, but not among Afrikaners being called “racists”. I think both Kallie Kriel and Afriforum have been vilified as racists more times than I have, but they instinctively side with the enemy rather than with their fellow Afrikaner. Or whites.

This reminds me a bit of a fascinating conversation I had with PW Botha not long before his death. Speaking to him was almost like dialing up history on those old communal telephone lines, with voices activated out of the past. PW Botha had known or met many famous twentieth-century figures, including of course Margaret Thatcher, as well as the first president of Israel, Chaim Weizmann, who had given him a sword. But as a young man in the NP, PW had also served as an aide to Dr. DF Malan.

Apparently PW had quizzed Malan on why the split of 1933 had taken place between the Hertzog and Malan factions. Malan had remained silent for a while, while PW created the same anticipation in me, listening to his firm, well-articulated voice, even at his advanced age. When he spoke the word, it was almost as if I could hear DF Malan pronouncing it himself: “Afrikanerverraad.” That one, terrible word said it all, a century of betrayals that stretched from the Anglo-Boer War right to the moment when Tertius Delport was begging FW de Klerk not to surrender completely to the ANC, one early morning in the Union Buildings prior to the release of the so-called “Record of Understanding”.

Roets’s denunciation of “white nationalism” by referring to me has no other logic than that of a bizarre, atavistic lapse into Afrikanerverraad. Instead of citing any of my multifarious writings, of which there are about a million words scattered on the internet, he prefers linking to Adriaan Basson’s stereotypically liberal News24 with its regular diatribes against both whites and Afrikaners. Clearly, in his zeal to distance himself from “white nationalism”, Roets would collude with the looney left, perhaps even Julius Malema or Andile Mngxitama, with whom Afriforum seem to skirmish in the courts for light entertainment but does not criticise their black nationalism.

As Roets puts it, “black nationalism could be equally problematic, but that is not the point of this article”. No, black nationalism, which is threatening to plunge South Africa into the kind of downward spiral reminiscent of Zimbabwe or Uganda under Idi Amin, may be tolerated. The real danger against which Roets seems to fulminate is “white nationalism”. He defines it thus:

“White nationalism has been described in many different ways, but essentially it boils down to promoting the interests of white people, because they are white.”

Then he goes on to explain that Afriforum has a “communitarian approach” and that “people freely associate with particular communities” that are “naturally organised along cultural, linguistic or religious lines”. Also, “Afriforum does not have a focus on the rights of the ‘white community’ and would object to such a description…”

So whites being singled out for affirmative action or racial quotas in sport or even genocidal rhetoric such as that spouted by Malema or Mngxitama will no longer be defended by Afriforum, being opposed to “white nationalism”. We know that South African whites are not popular, neither with the ANC nor with the mainstream media with whom Afriforum is so cosily aligned, especially News24, so what Ernst Roets is really intimating to us is:

“Whitey, you’re on your own.”

But, Ernst Roets diffidently assures us, it is

“not inaccurate” to “describe Afriforum as a conservative organisation… while we dissociate with the stigma that is today associated with conservatism as an ideology that seeks to return to the past, or that objects to change merely because it isn’t able to deal with change, or that seeks to preserve heritage at the expense of progress”.

Roets’s defence of “conservatism” sounds about as wishy-washy as Afriforum’s objection to the blanket ban on the 1928 flag which it would never display itself and “discourages” people from displaying, but would defend as an expression of “freedom of speech”. So I suppose in tune with Roets’s Canadian-style, multicultural “communitarianism” whereby “people freely associate with particular communities”, including a few die-hard Afrikaners and KhoiSan, but also the communities of Rastafarians, gays and swingers, Afriforum would always be there for them, provided they have signed a debit order.

Gay white nationalists exist and possibly there are conservative Christian swingers too, who knows? Afriforum would reject the former but embrace the latter, or at least it would champion non-nationalist white gays. Nationalism seems to be the thorn in the side here.

Given that it does not itself fly the oranje-blanje-blou, Afriforum would do well to follow the example that I saw at the Canadian embassy in Warsaw in 2018, and hoist the gay flag! After all, no-one would be offended and suspect it of “seeking to preserve heritage at the expense of progress”.

Take it from me, Ernst, if Afriforum had to hoist the gay flag above its headquarters it would be seen as downright progressive and I am sure Eusebius McKaiser would give you at least an hour’s worth of enthusiastic airtime on Radio 702.

Gay pride is kosher, but not white pride, as we know. Call it the Zeitgeist or the dominant ideology, but we are all painfully aware of the weight with which it presses down upon us.

Apart from its casual betrayal of many committed and patriotic Afrikaners such as myself, I see other problems with Afriforum’s lack of conviction in the face of the leftist sewage pipe (“stigmatising and stereotyping”) that is trained on anyone daring to stand up for the rights of the white minority in South Africa. As many people have already said: One does not choose one’s race, despite what the “whiteness theorists” say. Being white, is not something you can be cured of.

Guillaume Faye who died early this year, associated with the so-called “new right” and identitarianism, often stressed that one does not choose one’s identity, but is at least partially defined by one’s enemies. Even if every white in South Africa had to abjure “whiteness” (I must apologise for using this obnoxious term again but it seems apposite), the DA, ANC and all the black-nationalist parties left of it would still see us as “whites”. We are criticised and attacked, sometimes as Afrikaners, but more often simply as “the whites”.

Again, this is none of our own choosing. The moment we object to being insulted, attacked and legislated against as whites, we will be stigmatised as “racists”, “fascists”, “white nationalists”, “heteronormative toxic males” and every other flavour in the leftist cookbook.

Evidently, Afriforum is not up to weathering such a semantic onslaught and would prefer to scurry down the multicultural rabbit hole, together with Justin Trudeau, who may or may not be wearing Islamic robes or his gay-pride costume, depending on the day of the week.

Afriforum seems to have some courage in taking on the powers-that-be. But not enough, I am afraid. In many of its fights, and not only regarding the flag, it seems lukewarm, without passion. Is that what we need, in these times of decay and every-day terror?

The old National Party did not really fight the ANC so much as those Afrikaner parties and groups to the right of it such as the CP, HNP and AWB, Afrikanervolksfront, Freedom Front, etc. Having divided the conservative or righ-wing movement in South Africa, is it any wonder that the NP finally capitulated to the Marxist ANC and South African Communist Party? Afriforum will enter into agreements with Malema’s EFF, such as it did around the “Kill a Boer” song, yet it would not be seen in public, let alone make an agreement with Afrikaner organisations it deems “nationalist”.

It seems to have taken a leaf from the American “cuckservative” handbook: to make youself more respectable to liberals, the left and, of course, the mainstream media, you have to attack other conservatives and stigmatise them as “right-wing” and “nationalist”. The ANC or the EFF does not have to fight Afrikaner organisations; Afriforum will do it for them, in its quest to become the cuckservative champion in South Africa. Soon Ernst Roets will even call Helen Zille of the former Progressive Party and Rand Daily Mail, “right-wing” and “racist”.

Recently, Helen Zille told Max du Preez during their tête à tête recorded on video: “Max, everybody on Twitter calls everybody else ‘racist’.” But I suppose Afriforum wants to make sure it is part of the crowd calling others “racist”, instead of at the receiving end of the insult, where they currently find themselves.

However, the thing that bothers me the most about Afriforum is its lack of intellectual rigour. It reminds me of the National Party in its death throes, when it was everything to everyone. It was finally swallowed up by its arch-enemy, the ANC, under Kortbroek van Schalkwyk. In its many compromises and tip-toeing around fake lexical traps (such as “white nationalism”), the organisation is betraying a fear of being “caught out” by the PC mob, rather than any clear strategic thinking or set of convictions.

In the face of extremism — even the ruling party is extremist in many of its policies — Afriforum is offering us a few half-hearted clichés about “community rights” and “freedom of speech”. I am almost tempted to say that, confronted with white genocide (which many overseas observers are discerning in South Africa, given the violence and arsenal of laws and policies deployed against us whites), Afriforum is offering us a band-aid or some aspirin.

It is too scared or too shallow of intellect to think through to the heart of the problem which is, admittedly, complex and not easy to circumscribe or to find solutions for. In many respects, South Africa is the first quasi-Western society collapsing under the weight of its own unmanageable diversity, be it ethnic, ideological, cultural or linguistic.

My oft-repeated slogan is that the National Party did not fail due to a lack of resources or funds. It had a functioning state, media, embassies in the most sought-after parts of Western capitals, a powerful army, dedicated police and universities full of loyal academics. Ultimately its failure was an intellectual one, because it was not prepared to confront its enemies in the battle of ideas. Long before it embraced an ANC takeover, it had capitulated intellectually.

Afriforum might be a well-financed NGO, taxing hundreds of thousands of Afrikaners every month with debit orders, but it has nothing compared to the resources of the former National Party government. The current state can fight it in the courts every day, using taxpayer funds.

Our only hope is that there could arise a group or organisation that would fearlessly expose the moral and ideological bankruptcy of the ANC-terrorist regime and its fatal grip on the country, no matter how much the deranged leftists in the media and in the ANC itself would hurl their usual abuse: “racist”, “fascist”, “white nationalist”, “white supremacist”, “toxic male”, etc. It must not only confront and break down the dominant ideology, but also offer an alternative vision for the country, a way out of the present impasse.

Alas, Afriforum is not that organisation. It and its “head of policy and action”, Ernst Roets, are too frileux, as the French say. Which one might translate as: “cautious”.

Nelson Mandela welcomed Bantustans

The NP under FW de Klerk started the negotiations with Nelson Mandela “well”, but abandoned most white demands in September 1992, leading to the current growing assault on property rights, says Hermann Giliomee. He recently gave a lecture in honour of Richard Elphick at Wesleyan University, Middletown, Conn, USA.

In 1960 Mandela along with mostly white communists decided to form an armed body, later called Umkhonto we Sizwe, to embark on a campaign of sabotage and terror against whites and black moderates, now euphemistically called the “armed struggle”.

Albert Luthuli, the incumbent ANC president was firmly opposed the ANC embarking on a terror campaign.

Two Russian historians, Irina Filatova and Apollon Davidson, in The Hidden Thread; Russia and South Africa in the Soviet Era (Jonathan Ball), write that Mandela was present as a member of the SACP’s central committee:

Using the ANC’s distinction between members of the SACP, i.e. communists, and members of the ANC proper, or nationalists, the two [Russian] historians conclude there was no nationalist present when the SACP decided to embark on an armed struggle.

The controversy intensified when the Mandela Foundation released the 627 page original manuscript of Mandela’s account of his life, which was smuggled out of jail. It now appears that some very interesting passages was expurgated from the prison manuscript in producing the printed version of Mandela’s autobiography A Long Walk to Freedom (1994).

The unexpurgated prison manuscript include detail particularly on how Mandela wanted to deal with the Bantustans.

From the mid-1970s the tide turned against the white regimes in Southern Africa. The economy became bogged down by the sudden jump in oil prices together with a slump in commodity prices and growing demands from a much more assertive black work force.

The collapse of the dictatorship of Portugal in 1974 was the start of rapid withdrawal of Portugal from its Southern African colonies. Soviet-aligned regimes came to power in Mozambique and Angola. A South African attempt to intervene in Angola misfired badly. The Soviet government airlifted some 30 000 Cuban troops to the country. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger warned Vorster that due to opposition in the American Congress the Ford administration would not be able to counter further Soviet intervention in southern Africa.

In June 1976 a major uprising erupted in Soweto, near Johannesburg, and quickly spread to townships across the country. The political isolation of the white community was starkly exposed. The situation was so serious that on 8 August 1976 the Vorster cabinet had on its agenda the issue of the release of Nelson Mandela, which was by then twelve years in jail. There is no record of the decision.

What would have happened if Mandela were indeed released in 1976? Neville Alexander records that in 1971 he and Mandela debated using the apartheid channels, flawed as they were. Two years earlier, in 1974, Mandela had written a secret memorandum, entitled “Clear the obstacles and confront the enemy”, that was smuggled out.

In this document Mandela confronted the fact that the government of the Transkei, which was the putative homeland of most Xhosa, had opted to take the apartheid style independence in 1976. In terms of a 1971 law, Mandela who was born in the Transkei, would lose his South African citizenship.

Undeterred, Mandela wrote in his 1974 memorandum that the ANC faced an entirely new development: the independence of the Transkei, which was sure to be followed by other Bantustans. Mandela wrote: “The Transkei will have an independent legislature, judiciary and executive and may control its foreign relations” and then added:
“For the first time since conquest the people will run their own affairs. Now Africans will be able to be judges, magistrates, attorneys-general, inspectors of education, postmasters, army and police officers, and they will occupy other top positions in the civil service. Would it not be far better to consider independence as an accomplished fact and then call upon the people in these so-called free territories to help in the fight for a democratic South Africa?”

If a free Mandela had pushed for this policy of recognising the Transkei’s independence the strains in the ANC may well have become too great to contain. A major split may well have occurred in the movement, putting South Africa on a quite different course than one it took between 1976 and 1990.

Thatcher did not mention Mandela in official discussions with PW Botha

PW Botha and Margaret Thatcher
PW Botha and Margaret Thatcher

Margaret Thatcher made no mention of Nelson Mandela during the only formal talks she held with South Africa’s leader PW Botha, documents released recently reveal.

The papers blow apart recent Tory boasts that she helped end apartheid – and her own claim that she had pressed for his release at the summit.

Instead Thatcher relegated the issue to a short, private chat with Botha before the June 1984 talks officially got under way. No notes were taken so there is no evidence of what was discussed.

The then PM had been urged by the British Foreign Office to raise Mandela’s imprisonment officially during the four-hour minuted formal discussions.

But Thatcher, who objected to sanctions against Botha’s regime and had branded Mandela a terrorist, failed to do so.

Thatcher’s own account says Mandela’s incarceration was “noted” during a private audience on “sensitive issues”.

But her adviser John Coles stated: “No note-takers were present. Mr Botha said he could not interfere with the South African judicial process.” – extract from The Mirror

Master and slave

mandeladeklerk

by Albert Brenner

It is always so amusing to witness the blatant hypocrisy on display when (the) Slave becomes Master. The Enlightenment philosopher Friedrich Hegel`s masterful little piece, the Master-Slave dialectic, has been the fons et origo of all the various discourses by the Other to claim/gain power.

From Simone de Beauvoir`s First Wave Feminism, Frantz Fanon’s Black Consciousness Movement to the modern Gay and Lesbian Movement, all call on Hegel. It was even the inspiration behind Francis Fukuyama’s rather dull neo-liberal utopianism in his international best-seller The End of History and the Last Man. It is rather trite, but it needs elucidation… especially if one wants to understand the pseudo-intellectual madness underpinning Mandelatopia.

According to Hegel, the Slave first becomes just like the (hated) Master s/he has overthrown. I.e. the former institutes the exact same regime that supported the latter. In subsequent stages, the consciousness of these two antagonists are suppose to fuse – bringing about a “higher plane of Reality” through the synthesis of the thesis (i.e. The Master) and the antithesis (i.e. The Slave).

It suffices to say that this synthesis has never happened. Hegel was a typical German idealist… always dreaming of Utopia. Yet, his dialectic, in itself, exists – and is evident in many spheres of reality, e.g. Anthony Giddens’s Third Way (socialism), as a synthesis between capitalism and communism. As to Hegel’s overt utopianism; Sir Karl Popper dealt it the death-blow with his fantastic book The Poverty of Historicism.

Be that as it may; we can clearly see that the new Master of South Africa, the ANC/SACP/COSATU alliance, has instituted the exact same discriminatory regime as the old NP Apartheid government. Affirmative action, Black Economic Empowerment, race quotas in sport teams, race quotas at universities, et cetera, are the hallmarks of the new Master’s claim to the moral high ground. Like Master, like Slave.

In order to legitimise his/her overt discriminatory regime – the exact same overt discriminatory regime the (hitherto Slave) fought against – s/he must couch it in terms and concepts that deny his/her blatant inherent hypocrisy.

Sigmund Freud sees the above need as a form of guilt assuagement; in terms of the Oedipus recriminations experienced by the Brother Clan once they have killed the Great Patriarch (nudge nudge, Groot Krokodil PW Botha). I mean seriously, one ought to feel guilty, especially as an academic, when one (morally) justifies a regime that is exactly the same as the one that was overthrown… in the name of freeing the oppressed from the oppressor!

The above guilt assuagement in Mandelatopia comes in three forms. Firstly; “re-dressing the wrongs of the past”. The silliness of such an endeavour is obvious. How can one, for example, accurately weigh what needs to be “re-dressed” when the scales were not even to start off with. Blacks in South Africa do have a “default burden”, to borrow a term from artist and activist Steve Hofmeyer. It is a fact that they were pretty much pre-Neolithic in culture till recently. Add to this a (black) population that doubles in size every 30 years then it is physically impossible to “re-dress” anything, even in a remotely fair and just manner.

The second form of guilt assuagement is “healing the wounds of the past”. This nonsense even outshines Scientology… for one can only heal something that was healed in the first place. Never in the history of South Africa has there ever been a “healed” body (politic). The Boers fought the Brits, the Brits fought the Zulus, the Zulus the Shangaans, the Brits the Zulus, et cetera, et cetera. Meaning that endeavouring to “heal” something that was not “whole/healed” in the first place is physically impossible and intellectually dishonest, to say the least.

The third form of guilt assuagement is (the) propagation of, and adherence to, “Whiteness Studies” theory. This has become the intellectual instrument of choice of anti-Afrikaner Afrikaner academics like Piet Croucamp, Anton van Niekerk, Christi van der Westhuizen, Amanda Gouws, et cetera.

It suffices to say that this pseudo-intellectual guano is just a feel-good academic disguise for stripping the (heterosexual) Pale Male of his power… as called for by the father of this nonsense, Noel Ignatiev. His call to “abolish the white race” is nothing but a call for the Master (the heterosexual Pale Male) to be killed by the Slave (the Other), globally.

Okay, enough theory; let us examine how Hegel and Freud’s theories work in practice. Enter the half-wit, Dr Piet Croucamp. Peester Piet (henceforth, PP) first rose to prominence when he threw his lot in with the (hitherto) Slave during a speech by Mandela at the University of Stellenbosch in 1991. According to an article (see picture, click to enlarge) in the Vrye Weekblad of Max du Preez (a useful idiot of George Soros), PP had brawled with some “right-wing” students because they were being “intolerant”.

piet1_vryeweekbl

Find below a translation of the most important parts of this article, titled “I cannot tolerate intolerance”:
  1. “But I get seriously pissed off when people are intolerant…when people don`t want to listen and just pay attention to their own boring rhetoric.”
  2. “I do not have specific political views and beliefs. It is just that I cannot tolerate intolerance. Here it concerns the nice old classic Socratic idea of (an) open-ended debate.”
  3. “I would have hit lefties as well if they had screamed down speakers and displayed such intolerance. It is, at the end of the day, (the) participation that counts – whether somebody is a fascist, a racist or a liberal, is irrelevant.”

Now, what tolerance, in terms of his much-professed “open-ended Socratic style of debate”, did PP display towards Dr Louise Mabille when she published her article, Die vreemde veraad van feministe teenoor die Weste, on Praag? What “participation” did he allow her… given the fact that he said even “racists” must be allowed to “say their say” without hindrance? Why did he not hit himself, seeing that he had said he would hit “lefties” as well if they displayed such intolerance?

The answer to all these questions can be summed up in one sentence. PP is the Master now… and the Master, by his/her very nature, is always intolerant! Like, for example, the previous regime’s use of state coercion to silence Steve Biko, so PP used the power of state instruments (in this case, the UP senate and SAHRC) to silence Dr Mabille… even before she had the opportunity to “say her say”!

That PP, is too dumb to understand that he has become that hated Master he so loathed as (champion of the) Slave way back then, must be due to the fact that he did his doctorate in minbus-taxi berths, or something equally academically frivolous.

piet 2And not only is PP intellectually under-endowed, he is also a lying sack of guano. He lied in public when he said that Dr Mabille wrote that blacks had a genetic “inclination” to commit baby rape. She said no such thing! She said it was a cultural phenomenon among black ethnic groups. This is an empirical fact confirmed by leading medical professionals, top ANC leaders, black social workers, et cetera.

Now why didn’t PP lodge a complaint against the above-mentioned persons and institutions as well? And why hasn’t the SAHRC laid “hate speech” charges against all the above-mentioned international news agencies and their reporters? Well, they, like PP, are all (still) part and parcel of the same thuggish being, the Master.

But one day, soon, some Slave, like my recalcitrant self, will rise up and hit Master PP full in the face, for it is foreordained by Hegel’s Master-Slave dialectic. How exciting, how boring…

PS. Hey Peester Piet, jammer, Meester Piet… wat het van jou Simsonhare geword?!

SAPA flush with anti-white vitriol

PW Botha, Nelson Mandela
PW Botha, Nelson Mandela

SAPA, the South African Press Association, is bent on anti-white propaganda, it appears. A steady stream of misleading information flows freely from most of its press reports on the ailing health of Mandela.

Here are some of the snippets from SAPA that indicate that the Association is less concerned with news than it is with spreading naked anti-white vitriol. These SAPA reports were written by one Shabtai Gold.

The most recent report includes this gem: “His lungs were damaged during his imprisonment for 27 years under the white-minority regime.”

Mandela, however, lived to be 94 on a continent where the median age is 38 for African men.

Earlier we were treated to this: “Mandela was kept in prison for 27 years by white racist regime”. Mandela was actually in prison for inciting violence, armed struggle and high treason.

The then premier, PW Botha repeatedly stated that he would pardon Mandela if he agreed to a peacefully negotiated settlement.

Mandela plotted instead with fellow communists to violently overthrow the government. Remember the Cold War?

A while ago SAPA reported that “Mandela’s eyes were damaged during his 27 years of imprisonment on Robben island.” But at the ripe old age of 94 Mandela still does not wear glasses.