Child sacrifices to increase black wealth

‘Hundreds’ of Ugandan children are being sacrificed every year by witch doctors who have convinced the country’s superstitious elite that mutilating them will make them even richer.

Shockingly, these ‘gruesome crimes against children’ are ‘expected to rise’ with the 2016 Ugandan elections fast approaching.

Wealthy businessmen are paying traditional healers ‘thousands of pounds’ to hunt down impoverished children and harvest their body parts, which they believe can cure impotence and boost their fertility, a children’s charity told MailOnline.

These witch doctors sever limbs and remove their genitals after snatching them on the way home from school or as they go to fetch water for their family. Their dismembered remains are later discovered in forests and building sites. Cruel witch doctors do not use their severed body parts to craft a magic potion, but claim to ‘offer them’ to the spirits who commanded them to carry out the brutal attacks.

In February, Uganda’s government created a National Action Plan to stop the murders and approved a bill to regulate healers – some of whom were practising as real doctors.

But the businessmen who pay thousands of pounds for the sick rituals are rarely prosecuted because witch doctors refuse to give up their clients.

The boys they castrate suffer the crippling after-effects of blood clots, a dangerous decrease of bone density and spinal fractures their entire lives.

Binoga warned child sacrifice will be difficult to stamp out because ‘as long as people have such a belief, that practice will continue’.

But furious activists say the senseless killings will continue because they are fueled by greed, not tradition.

‘It is a gruesome crime against children driven by superstition, religious beliefs, witch craft and extreme poverty,’ according to the founder of the Jubilee Campaign who documented these crimes.

Danny Smith told MailOnline: ‘Ugandans will tell you this is widespread – everyone knows about it – and children are being murdered under the umbrella of superstition.

‘Witch doctors and traditional healers do very well because they convince them they have to go through different levels of spells – and the most powerful one is the blood of a human child.’

Source: Daily Mail

Kenyan deputy president riles against homosexuality

Kenya’s deputy president, William Ruto, has told worshippers at a church service in Nairobi that homosexuality is not welcome in the east African nation.

Ruto’s comments came on the day US Secretary of State John Kerry arrived in Kenya promoting rights, alongside discussions on security and terrorism.

“We will not allow homosexuality in our society as it violates our religious and cultural beliefs,” Ruto reportedly told a cheering congregation at the Jesus Winner Ministry Church near the capital.

“We will stand with religious leaders to defend our faith and our beliefs,” he said. “There’s no room for homosexuality in this country. That one I can assure you.”

Homosexuality remains illegal in many countries, including Kenya where it was outlawed under British colonial legislation.

Ruto, who is on trial at the International Criminal in The Hague accused of crimes against humanity, said his stance was about morality not politics.

“When we say this, we are not saying so as to get votes but to protect what we all believe is right,” he said, according to The Star newspaper.

Conservative Christian and Muslim countries in Africa reject open homosexuality.

In Uganda the anti-gay bill has been watered down and in Nigeria and Gambia tough new anti-gay laws have been introduced, with Gambia’s President Yahya Jammeh, calling homosexuals “ungodly, Satanic… vermins [sic]” in a speech last year.

Homosexuality is illegal in 36 out of 54 African countries and punishable by death in four, according to human rights group Amnesty International.

In Kenya, too, a cross-party parliamentary group is seeking stricter application of existing anti-gay legislation.

Chad outlaws homosexuality

Chad looks set to become the 37th country in Africa to outlaw homosexuality after government ministers voted to make same-sex relations a crime punishable by up to 20 years in prison.

The decision, yet to be ratified by the country’s president, was condemned by human rights groups as another setback in the struggle for gay rights on the continent. Chad’s penal code is more than half a century old and does not explicitly mention homosexuality.

But section 361 of a draft new code states the punishment for anyone who has sexual intercourse with someone of the same sex is 15 to 20 years in jail and a fine of 50,000-500,000 Central African francs (£60-£600), according to a document seen by Agence France-Presse.

The cabinet claims that the measure is intended to “protect the family and to comply with Chadian society”. It will go before MPs and President Idriss Déby to be rubber-stamped.

The new penal code also abolishes the death penalty, more than a decade after the last execution of prisoners, a move welcomed by activists.

The reform of the penal code had been in preparation for 10 years but the question of homosexuality, while considered immoral, had never been a public issue in Chad.

The development is a reaction against colonial mores in Africa. Some observers believe it has been a response to the increased visibility and assertiveness of gay lifestyles and politics in Africa.

Although US evangelical Christians have been blamed for instigating anti-gay legislation in Uganda, same-sex relations are illegal in 36 of the continent’s 54 countries, according to Amnesty International, and punishable by death in many.

Last month the Gambia passed a bill imposing life imprisonment for “aggravated homosexuality” relating to repeat offenders and people living with HIV/Aids. The Gambia’s president, Yahya Jammeh, has previously told gay men and lesbians to leave the country or risk beheading.

Uganda recently imposed penalties for the “promotion of homosexuality”, including life sentences for various same sex acts. The law was struck down by judges on a technicality but is expected to be reintroduced by MPs.

In January, the Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, signed into law a bill criminalising same-sex “amorous relationships” and membership of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights groups.

Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwean president, regularly attacks gay people in speeches and recently said he resented western aid because it depended on conditions such as accepting homosexuality.

US cuts aid to Uganda over anti-gay laws

Uganda’s shilling dropped to the lowest level in nine months after the US government said it was cutting aid to the East African nation.

The US cut aid over a February law that toughened punishment for homosexual acts.

The currency fell 0.8 percent to 2,610 per dollar by 1:37 p.m. in the capital, Kampala, the lowest since Aug. 26.

The shilling slumped 6.1 percent since President Yoweri Museveni signed the bill on Feb. 24.

The US is discontinuing or redirecting funds for programs in Uganda, where life sentences can be imposed for some homosexual acts, the National Security Council said last week.

Norway, Denmark and Sweden also redirected or withheld aid.

The shilling weakened “because of the negative sentiment after the US announced they are cutting off donor funding,” Joseph Mwanguo, head of treasury at NIC Bank Uganda Ltd. said by phone today. “There will definitely be reduced inflow of dollars.”

It will impact people that the US “purports to support and aims to protect,” the Ugandan government said in an e-mailed statement.

Source: Bloomberg

US sends Ospreys, Special Ops to hunt insignificant Ugandan warlord, and gay haters

Mass psychosis
Mass psychosis

President Obama has ordered a sharp increase in US Special Operations forces deployed to Uganda and sent US military aircraft there for the first time in the ongoing manhunt for Joseph Kony, chief of the Lord’s Resistance Army, according to The Washington Post.

The CV-22 Osprey aircraft will arrive in Uganda by midweek, along with refueling aircraft and about 150 Air Force Special Operations forces and other airmen to fly and maintain the planes.

At least four Ospreys will be deployed. US personnel are authorized to “provide information, advice and assistance” to an African Union military task force tracking Kony and his organization across Uganda, the Central African Republic, South Sudan and Congo.

While combat-equipped, they are prohibited from engaging LRA forces unless in self-defense.

President Obama cut US aid for the poor African country, blocking a health survey, because its elected government signed a popular law against homosexual conduct.

The punishment was revealed in the 12th paragraph of the Washington Post story about an very expensive new effort to track down a roving, insignificant warlord near northern Uganda.

Kony no longer poses any threat to Uganda or any of its neighbours.

The penalty spotlights the administration’s top-level and hard-edged effort to punish countries that disagree with its gay rights agenda.

“Ensuring justice and accountability for human rights violators like [Kony] and protecting” gay and transgender people “are not mutually exclusive,” a spokesperson told the Post.

In contrast, the White House has made little effort to counter the expanding number of attacks on Christians by Muslim terrorists or governments.

The attacks have killed thousands of Christians in Nigeria, Mali, Iran, Pakistan, Syria and Sudan. In response, the White House has sent a small team of advisors to Nigeria, where Islamic rebels have murdered thousands of Christians in recent years, often by attacking churches or school dormitories.

The new military effort against the Ugandan warlord adds four V-22 tilt-rotor aircraft and roughly 150 personnel to a US special forces detachment in Uganda that is already searching for Kony.

Kony and his army numbered perhaps less than a hundred gunslingers.

Source: VoR/The DC

Uganda to announce oil refinery investor in July

oilrig
Flaring oil rig, western Uganda

Uganda will announce the lead investor and operator for its planned oil refinery in July and expects to conduct a licensing round for its vacant petroleum exploration acreage next year.

The east African country first discovered crude deposits in the Albertine rift basin along its border with Democratic Republic of Congo in 2006 and reserves are estimated by the government at 3.5 billion barrels.

The government moved closer to getting the hydrocarbons industry off the ground last month when it signed a memorandum of understanding with three oil firms laying out a blueprint for the commercial development of its oil fields.

According to the deal, crude produced by the three firms – Britain’s Tullow Oil, France’s Total and China’s CNOOC – will be shared between a thermal power generation plant, a planned refinery and an export pipeline.

Commercial oil production is expected to begin in 2016 at the earliest.

In December the energy ministry announced five consortia and one individual firm had been shortlisted to bid for the $2.5 billion refinery.

The lead investor – which will also operate the plant – is expected to take up a 60 percent stake, with the remainder going to the Ugandan government.

The individual company shortlisted is Marubeni Corp , while the five consortia are respectively led by Petrofac, Global Resources, China Petroleum Pipeline Bureau, SK Energy and Vitol.

Robert Kasande, the energy ministry official overseeing the project, said the government had been holding pre-bidding talks with those shortlisted.

“They are expected to submit their final proposals in May, then evaluation will follow,” Kasande said. “In July we will announce the winner,” he added.

Uganda has scaled back its refining ambitions over the past two years. It now plans to start with a refinery with capacity of 30,000 barrels per day (bpd), gradually rising to 60,000 bpd.

It had initially wanted a plant that could process 120,000 bpd but oil firms argued that would not be commercially viable.

About 60 percent of the Albertine graben, which measures about 23,000 square kilometres, remains unlicensed, according to the energy ministry’s petroleum exploration and production department.

“We also hope next year we should be ready to license another batch of (exploration) blocks,” said Kasande.

Source: Reuters

Uganda tabloid ‘names and shames’ gays

redpepperThe Ugandan tabloid, Red Pepper, has named the country’s 200 top homosexuals, a day after President Yoweri Museveni signed into law a bill toughening penalties for gay people.

The list appeared under the headline: “Exposed”. Western governments have condemned Mr Museveni’s decision to approve the bill, but South Africa would not be drawn into the debate.

Homosexuality is also frowned upon by most South African blacks. The ANC fears that an open debate would upset their voters ahead of the coming elections.

Although same-sex relationships are legal in South Africa, the black majority are against such unions.

The Ugandan bill includes life sentences for gay sex and same-sex marriage, but a clause criminalising those who do not report gay people was removed as well as a proposed sentence of up to 14 years for first-time offenders.

But the passing of the bill has been popularly received in Uganda, where Museveni — in power for 28 years — faces reelection in 2016..

Earlier, government spokesman Ofwono Opondo told Reuters news agency Mr Museveni wanted “to demonstrate Uganda’s independence in the face of Western pressure and provocation”.

Uganda is a deeply conservative society where most people oppose homosexuality.

Homosexual acts were already illegal in Uganda, but the new law bans the promotion of homosexuality and covers lesbians for the first time.

There was applause when Yoweri Museveni spoke out againts gays: “Society can do something about it to discourage the trend”.

Last year the Red Pepper published photographs of retired gay British man Bernard Randall, taken from his stolen laptop, who then arrested and deported last month. The new list also includes some Ugandans still in the closet, the Associated Press news agency reported.

On Monday, US Secretary of State John Kerry said Mr Museveni’s decision would launch an internal review of US assistance programmes to Uganda.

Uganda receives a reported $400m in annual aid from the US.

Sweden’s Development Assistance Minister Hillevi Engstrom called Mr Museveni’s decision “terrible” and said that direct aid to Uganda, worth about $10.8m, could be withdrawn.

As a result of the new law, the Netherlands has stopped a $9.6m subsidy to Uganda’s judicial system.

Norway and Denmark said they would transfer direct aid – together totalling about $17m – to non-governmental organisations.

Sweden’s Finance Minister Anders Borg, who is visiting Uganda for meetings on trade and economic issues, has met with gay rights activists.

Homophobia is widespread in Uganda, where evangelical Christianity is on the rise.

Museveni earlier this month also signed into law anti-pornography and dress code legislation which outlaws “provocative” clothing.

‘Defeat of M23 may be orchestrated’

Refugees, DRC
Refugees, DRC

The ‘Defeat of M23’ was perhaps orchestrated, says Andre Vltchek, an investigative journalist. The situation in the DRC is unpredictable, and exceptionally volatile

Reports suggested that the UN grew tired of the insurgents, and the M23 gunmen were pinned down in the hills bordering Rwanda and Uganda. They were shelled mercilessly and crushed.

The final peace accord has not been signed because the Congolese delegation refused to enter the ceremony room in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, claiming there is no point in signing any agreement in view of the fact that M23 no longer exists.

This is the story, or at least that is how the story has been told in London and Washington.

Vltchek is acquainted with the city of Goma, said the capital was once called the ‘Riviera of Kivu’. He was once kept in detention there, several floors underground, interrogated by Congolese intelligence agents

Goma is so full of natural gas it could explode at any moment without warning and perhaps kill tens of thousands of people.

Arthur Tewungwa, a Ugandan businessman and an opposition figure told him that “most knowledgeable observers of the problems pertaining to the eastern DRC are aware that Kagame and Museveni have been the main architects of the chaos that has prevailed in the region.The myriad of so-called rebel groupings are ‘Frankensteins’ created by them to enable the pillage of the region amidst the semblance of chaos.”

Congolese immigrants in South Africa have made similar remarks. They say M23 was created by president Kabila himself.

A leading expert on the DRC, and one of the former UN genocide investigators, Keith Harmon Snow, spoke about the role of foreign companies in the present situation:

“Meanwhile, multinational corporations operating in Eastern Congo under the media radar, but soaked in Congolese blood, include Banro Gold, Casa Mining, Randgold, Mwana Africa, Loncor, Anglo-Gold Ashanti, Kilo Gold, and Moku Gold. These corporations benefit from having the Rwandan Tutsi in Kinshasa (Kanambe) and have deep ties to the criminal extortion, money-laundering, racketeering and theft behind the plunder and depopulation in the Great Lakes countries. The United Nations Forces (MONUC, MONUSCO) and the Rapid Intervention Forces (note the heavy presence of South African troops and South African mining companies in Eastern Congo) serve the corporate agenda.”

In Tokyo, Ms. Masako Yonekawa, formerly the head of the UNHCR Goma Office in eastern DRC, confirmed on camera, during a discussion: “Well, Rwanda has been getting a lot of assistance from the US Government and the UK, so that’s why they were able to build up their military power…”

Vltchek asked her whether there was indifference on the part of the superpowers towards the suffering of the Congolese people, and she replied that it was intentional. It’s because they had a very strong economic interest… the natural resources in the Congo, they were all to the benefit of the world economy.

Noam Chomsky, discussed Rwanda and DRC with Vltchek in Boston in 2012.

“Eastern Congo is where probably the worst atrocities in the world are taking place… Who do you point the finger at? Oh, they may have been killed by militias? But behind the militias are multinational corporations and governments, but they are a stage removed. You don’t see the multinational corporations that are using the militias to slaughter people so that they can get access to the coltan that Westerners use in their cell phones. It’s indirect, and a lot of the atrocities and crimes that you are describing have that problem,” Chomsky said.

Some insiders, including Keith Harmon Snow, are not even convinced that M23 has actually been defeated:

“At present, the propaganda system is again trotting out the refrain that ‘rebels in Congo have been defeated.’ The latest so-called ‘rebels’ – the M23 forces – are actually Rwandan government troops, not rebels. Reports now appearing in the Western mass media are that the ‘M23 rebels’ have ‘surrendered in Uganda’, or ‘turned themselves in’ in Rwanda. This is nonsense, since these are Rwandan defense forces. The varying incarnations of ‘rebels’ in eastern Congo have always been backed by Museveni (Uganda) and Kagame (Rwanda), in turn backed by the USA, UK and Israel. M23 is the same: another predominantly Tutsi army serving the Tutsi/Hema elites, not the people of Uganda or the people of Rwanda/Burundi.

Media reports have exaggerated the fighting between Congolese troops (FARDC) and their UN partner army, the Rapid Intervention Forces, against the M23. Most M23 were warned in advance of an impending assault and they fled to Rwanda and Uganda.”

The numbers aren’t precise, but it is generally agreed that between 8 and 10 million Congolese people died between 1994 and the present.

“Everybody is talking about the Rwandan genocide,” Congolese Presidential candidate Ben Kalala once told me. “Some 800,000 people died there. I am sorry for them, because they are human beings. But in the Congo 8 million people died: women, children, elderly… So what is the world waiting for?”

News of the genocide never get out because Tony Blair was serving as personal adviser to the Rwandan President Paul Kagame, and has friends and allies like Bill Clinton, Bill Gates and numerous other political, as well as economic and religious leaders.

Right now the situation in Rwanda, Uganda and DRC is unpredictable, and exceptionally volatile.

“The situation in Kigali is extremely tense, right now”, an Asian diplomat based in East Africa, who asked not to be identified, explained to me.

“The atmosphere is also very confusing… Security is beefed-up and it is clear that something may happen any moment. There are rumors that the West may let Kagame fall soon and replace him with a more suitable puppet… And of course he knows; he is extremely smart, and cunning, unlike Museveni. That is why he is putting up fortifications around himself. He needs those M23 people around him, in case of war! He needs them back! It is almost certain that there will be a conflict here soon… Next year is the 20th anniversary of the ‘genocide’ and of the RPF taking over the country,” he said.

Another regional showdown is most likely approaching. In East and Central Africa, what is called peace could actually be just another battle in a never-ending war. – RT

The elusive quest for peace in DRC

M23 rebels are well-armed, say sources
M23 rebels are well-armed, say sources

The current conflict in the Kivu Region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) threatens to linger on despite an international effort to broker a truce between the M23 rebellion and the Congolese government. The 2012 version of this conflict is difficult to grasp, particularly because the M23 is a shifting armed movement, both geographically and politically. Its leadership is interchangeable among commanders, and the movement is supported by foreign influences with an eye on the geological riches of the region.

The evolution of the M23 Rebellion

Who exactly are the M23 rebels? This is the question the Rift Valley Institute’s Usamala Project tries to unpack in its recent report “From CNDP to M23: The evolution of an armed movement in Eastern Congo” (PDF). While the armed branch of the rebellion is easy to define, its political leadership is more elusive. The report explains further:

The M23 political leadership was made up mostly of former CNDP [National Congress for the Defence of the People] loyalists, with Jean-Marie Runiga Lugerero, the CNDP’s representative in Kinshasa, as political coordinator. However, there were also some new names, allegedly appointed after pressure by Rwanda (…) Between May and August 2012 the M23 also began to beef up its political wing. It named several new local chiefs, set up a tax collection network, and established a formal liaison office for humanitarians working in the area––structures reminiscent to those of the CNDP era. They also established two websites (www.soleildugraben.com and congodrcnews.com), a Facebook fan page and several Twitter accounts run by them or people close to them. On 20 October, in a move to further boost their legitimacy, they renamed their armed wing the Armée Révolutionaire du Congo (ARC, Congolese Revolutionary Army).

Indeed, while rudimentary at first, the public relations strategy of the M23 rebels has grown increasingly sophisticated in order to garner the public support. On Jeune Afrique, Trésor Kibungula illustrates the evolution of M23 on Facebook, from a timid start back in July, to a media platform sufficiently controversial that Facebook eventually had to shut it down.

An interview with  the M23’s Bertrand Bisimwa on the Congo Siaisa blog helps to explain the genesis of the movement and its alleged overarching goals:

The M23 is made up of armed groups that signed the March 23 agreement. We started by asking for the implementation of that deal. The government fought us, saying we didn’t have the right to demand that [..] Today, in addition to the March 23 agreement we want good governance in the country and a legitimate government. You have to realize that not all ex-CNDP joined the M23. In fact, most didn’t. It was these others, those who didn’t join, who helped rig the elections in [Jospeh] Kabila’s favor in Masisi.

General Sultani Makenga, the military leader of the M23 also gave an interview recently where he speaks about the fluid leadership of the M23 movement, giving updates on the status of former CNDP leader Laurent Nkunda and arrested general Bosco Ntaganda within the movement.

Aside from its shifting leadership, Melanie Gouby in Newsweek Magazine explains that the movement does not seem to have a defined political ideology and seems mostly driven to protect the economic and political interests of neighboring nations.

Involving all players in the quest for peace

The two nations with most economic and political stakes in the conflict are Rwanda and Uganda. According to the United Nations, Rwanda has been tied to the conflict in Kivu for a long time, despite denials from President Paul Kagame’s administration. Yet, there is little uncertainty about the Rwandan support as the Usamala project report explains:

Rwandan support for M23 has now been well documented, in particular by the UN Group of Experts. Their conclusions have been confirmed by Human Rights Watch, by MONUSCO, and by at least three embassies in Kigali through internal investigations [..]

With regards to Rwanda’s role in the crisis, the U.S. policy to minimize sanctions against Kagame’s administration is perplexing to many observers.

The Ugandan government is also suspected of providing logistics support to the latest M23 offensive. In the following video, Ugandan lawmakers ask the president to explain the relation to the Congo M23 rebels:

With so many players involved in the crisis, what’s in store for the region is still very unclear. Is the Goma withdrawal definitive for the M23? Some M23 fighters seem to firmly believe they will soon be back in the city. Observers do not seem to expect much from peace talks.

Gérard Prunier, a French academic and author, argues that Congo and Rwanda are “just playing a waiting game until the situation on the ground gets sorted out.” He believes there could be an escalation of the crisis:

If tomorrow you could have the secession of Katanga (ed’s note: a Congo region rich in minerals) back on the books, I wouldn’t be surprised

Meanwhile, the local population bears the main burden of this never ending war. The World Food Programme reports that at least 80,000 people are displaced in the region. isnblog.ethz.ch

DRC shrugs off German mercenaries fighting for M23

The answer to German mercenaries
The answer to German mercenaries

The Democratic Republic of the Congo military has warned that any aggressor would be met with force and added that it was untroubled by German and other mercenaries.

M23 rebels have issued a warning to the Congolese government that they would resume fighting to take control of the troubled east if the government does not start negotiations immediately.

 

Congolese troops backed by the UN Intervention Brigade including South African troops have taken up positions abandoned by M23 rebels in the hills overlooking the eastern town of Goma.

 

This happened after the rebels withdrew on Friday.

 

Meanwhile, Rwanda has denied accusations from the UN of helping the rebel group.

 

DRC military spokesperson Colonel Amuli Olivier said: “If Rwanda helps M23, Congo doesn’t care, because we know they have mercenaries from Germany, from Eritrea, from Uganda. The most important thing for Congo is to say whoever takes arms against Congo, will always face the full force of the army and the army’s objective is to secure Congolese borders and its civilians.”

 

The rebels have demanded the government to return to the negotiating table saying “if the Congolese government pushes on with the military option to the detriment of the Kampala talks, our armed forces reserve the right to re-take control (of Goma positions).”

 

Over the past week several peacekeepers have been injured in clashes among them, three South Africans.

M23’s political leader, Bertrand Bisimwa wrote a letter to South Africa earlier, asking them not to come and “kill their brothers”. He cautioned them that they are going to face similar treatment to the one they received when facing Seleka rebels in the Central African Republic (CAR) who killed 13 South African soldiers.

“If they (the South Africans) think they will go out into the hills and annihilate M23, they’re crazy,” Bisimwa said, adding: “If an army goes in, when it does not know the terrain or the politics is overconfident and is itself not combat equipped for these kind of operations, they’re going to be kicked. If South African special forces could not keep Seleka at bay – not nearly as coherent a target as M23 – how are they going to defeat M23, which are in their own back yard?”

South Africa is deploying more than 1000 troops in the DRC. Tons of weaponry, including helicopters, were flown in huge cargo planes from South Africa to Entebbe in Uganda, close to the Congolese border, where SA forces are expected to be based. The rebel group accuses Zuma of sending his troops to the DRC to protect his nephew Khulubuse’s oil interests.

South Africa may be badly underestimating the strength of the M23-rebels.

M23 rebels have grenade-launchers and a 37mm double barrelled aircraft defence cannon from the Congolese defence forces. A source inside the SA army admitted that there could be ‘loss of lives’ among the South Africans because the rebels know the terrain better.

The South African troops are part of a multilateral regional force, which includes the armies of Mozambique, Malawi and Tanzania, with the blessing of the UN Security Council which passed Resolution 2098 on March 28, 2013.

M23 claims the resolution transformed the UN peace keepers in a belligerent force, entrusted with offensive mission. The UN security council thus authorised an “intervention brigade” to allow “neutralisation of armed groups in the east of the DRC.” This decision was in sharp deviation of the UN’s historic peace mandate in the Congo, who in the past only had a mandate to ‘protect’ the area.

UN Security Council unanimously approved the creation of a brigade of more than 2,500 troops with a mandate to conduct “targeted offensive operations” against M23. The new UN force is to consist of three infantry battalions, an artillery company, a reconnaissance company and “special forces.”

It marked the first time that UN peacekeepers were given a mandate to conduct offensive operations, marking a dramatic change from the UN’s peace mandate in the past, which only allowed soldiers to shoot back when they were being shot at.

M23 says the UN is, in effect, coming to the “rescue of one of the most corrupt regimes in the world and will contribute to extending the reign of an army that is infamous for rampant rape and other atrocities that it wantonly and habitually inflicts on the Congolese population.”

The irony of Resolution 2098, is the UN Secretary General’s own words stating that corruption is the main cause of the failure of the DRC Government.

Sources say army officers take advantage of agricultural and mineral wealth, and set up taxes and roadblocks in the area. “The rationale for the presence of soldiers is ostensibly to protect people from rebellions. Unless they get rich on the backs of the same people, they have no interest in stopping the war.”

Some observers even argue that a part of the army is in the hands of Tutsis. More than nine generals out of thirty are said to be Tutsi Congolese. The M23, backed by Rwanda, want an independent state, Tutsiland.

US exporting cultural war to Africa

ugandagayBy Barbara Bradley Hagerty

The battle over the Bible and homosexuality has torn apart Christian churches and entire denominations in the United States. But what happens when that culture war is exported to other countries? Ugandans are finding out — with potentially deadly consequences.

Uganda is now considering a bill that would impose the death penalty or life in prison on gay men and lesbians for some homosexual acts.

To understand how this bill came to be, one needs to know the story of King Mwanga. In 1886, Uganda’s king ordered some two dozen male pages to have sex with him, and when they refused because of their Christian faith, he ordered that they be burned to death. Every year on June 3, Ugandans celebrate a national holiday honoring the Christian martyrs and deploring the pedophile king.

Into this climate stepped Scott Lively, an American evangelical and president of Defend The Family International. In March 2009, Lively traveled to Uganda to speak, along with two other Americans from “ex-gay communities,” about the “gay agenda.”

“The gay movement is an evil institution,” he told Uganda’s Family Life Network. “The goal of the gay movement is to defeat the marriage-based society and replace it with a culture of sexual promiscuity.”

Then Lively, who has authored a book called The Pink Swastika, played into the fears raised by Uganda’s history.

“Male homosexuality has historically been, not adult to adult; it’s been adult to teenager,” he said. “It’s called pederasty — adults sodomizing teenage boys.”

Later in his trip, Lively addressed the Ugandan Parliament on the gay issue, recommending therapy to help people leave their gay lifestyle. A few months later, a bill was introduced to execute people for some homosexual acts.

Lively says he never suggested putting the death penalty into bill, and he says he thinks the bill goes too far.

“But the fact that they’re willing to stand up and say, ‘No, we are not going let you homosexualize our country!’ — that is a step in the right direction, and I would hope that it would spread to other countries,” he says.

Lively is considered a fringe player in the American culture wars. But in recent years, mainstream evangelicals in the U.S. have forged close spiritual and financial ties with their biblically conservative African brothers. For example, dozens of Episcopal churches and even some dioceses have left the U.S. church to go under the authority of Anglican bishops in Uganda, Nigeria and Rwanda — primarily over the gay issue.

Jim Naughton, a former canon in the Episcopal Diocese of Washington, D.C., says their message plays one way in the U.S., but differently in a place like Uganda. And they should have known.

“If you go to countries where there’s already a great deal of suspicion and maybe animosity towards homosexuals, and begin to tell people there, ‘Well, actually these people are child abusers, they’re coming for their children, that they’re the scourge that is being deposited on you by the secular West,’ you’re gonna get a backlash.” Naughton says it’s like “showing up in rooms filled with gasoline, and throwing lighted matches around and saying, ‘Well, I never intended fire .‘ ”

Many U.S. evangelicals, including Lively, say they are “mortified” by the death penalty provision. Naughton doesn’t buy it.

“I think if they were mortified, they would have been mortified immediately,” he says. “Instead they were mortified — oh, two, three months into the campaign against this thing, when it was getting real traction.”

Megachurch pastor Rick Warren is a case in point. Warren, author of The Purpose Driven Life, has extensive ties with religious leaders in Africa, including Uganda. Initially, he refused to condemn the bill. Finally, two months after the bill was introduced, he urged pastors in Uganda to oppose it.

“We are all familiar with Edmund Burke’s insight, ‘All that is necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing,’ ” Warren began. He explained his silence by saying, “It is not my role to interfere with the politics of other nations,” then stated that the bill “is unjust, it’s extreme, and it’s un-Christian.”

If Warren was slow to condemn the bill, other Christian conservatives have yet to do so, says Warren Throckmorton, who teaches psychology at Grove City College and has been monitoring U.S. evangelical response. He says some of the Christian groups most publicly tied to Uganda have been the quietest. Joyce Meyer Ministries, Oral Roberts University, the College of Prayer in Atlanta — all have close ties and declined to express reservations about the death penalty.

“Silence is often interpreted as consent,” says Throckmorton, who is himself a conservative evangelical. “So I think those kinds of responses may lead those individuals in Uganda to think that perhaps what [they’re] doing really is according to the evangelical faith.”

“The question is, what’s the most effective way to deal with it?” asks Martyn Minns, bishop of the Convocation of Anglicans in North America, a group that broke from the Episcopal Church and is now aligned with Nigeria.

“Sometimes megaphone diplomacy doesn’t work,” Minns says. “Sometimes quietly talking to folks who will actually shape the final product is more effective.”

His group has been working behind the scenes to remove the death penalty from the bill. But Minns also says Uganda has a right to resist the wave of gay activism that he says is flooding in from the West.

“It’s hard for any of us who have not lived under colonial rule to realize how offensive it is for people who have won that freedom to now basically be told, ‘You’re fools. You’re ignorant. One day you’ll grow up and be like us,’ ” Minns says. “That comes across in a very patronizing way.”

This week Uganda’s president called for the bill to be withdrawn, saying it was harming the country’s foreign policy. The sponsor has refused to do so, and it is expected to be considered in February. But no matter what happens, the story of Uganda is considered a cautionary tale of what can happen when the West’s religious debates are transplanted to another culture. – NRP

Sex trafficking in Uganda

Sitting at a table in a run-down bar on the edge of Ugandan capital Kampala, Stella Kobusingye stares into the distance as she recalls the tangle of lies and deceit that led to her sex-slavery ordeal.

Struggling to support her young son and sickly mother with the income from a small shop, last year Kobusingye heard about a job opportunity earning $800 a month working at a Ugandan-owned boutique in Malaysia.

After double- and then triple-checking that the job seemed genuine, Kobusingye sold her shop, paid for a passport and bought a visa for China, where middlemen told her she needed transit, before being handed a ticket and boarding a plane.

But when she arrived in China, she was met by a Ugandan woman, taken to a hotel where scores of other Ugandan girls were staying and told she now owed $7,000 for the airfare.

“There were no jobs there, they had lied to me — the only thing they had taken me there for was prostitution,” Kobusingye, who asked for her name to be changed, told AFP.

That night, a Nigerian man knocked on the door and said he had paid to have sex with her. Kept prisoner in her hotel room and with her passport taken away, for the next few weeks Kobusingye was forced — sometimes brutally — to sleep with up to five Nigerian men each night.

To scare her into silence, Kobusingye says her captors took her to a Ugandan witchdoctor there who used her fingernails and pubic hair to perform rituals.

Kobusingye’s story is typical of a growing number of young and vulnerable Ugandan women whom officials say are being duped into travelling abroad — particularly to countries in the Far East and Middle East — and then forced into prostitution.

In a country with massive unemployment and few opportunities, posters in shopping malls around Kampala advertise opportunities for well-paying jobs or studies abroad.

It is almost impossible to say how many Ugandan girls have been trafficked abroad but officials estimate in Malaysia alone — a country with visa-free travel for Ugandans and growing economic ties — there are currently about 600 Ugandan women in forced prostitution.

There are no figures available for the number of trafficked women in China.

During a recent visit to Kampala, Hajah Noraihan, a Malaysian working as Uganda’s honorary consul in Kuala Lumpur, flicked through a series of horrifying pictures to show what happens to the girls who refuse — the face of a young woman thrown from a third-floor balcony, the body of another brutally murdered on a bedroom floor.

In the past two years, at least three Ugandan girls have been killed in Malaysia, she said.

Since late last year, Malaysian police have cracked down on the prostitution rings. In a single raid in October, 21 Ugandan women were discovered at just one location and there are around 60 currently being detained by Malaysian authorities.

With the help of the International Organisation for Migration, in the past five months 14 girls have been brought back to Uganda, Noraihan says.

Now Noraihan, a native of Kuala Lumpur, is pressing authorities in Uganda to deal with the problem at its source.

“We really need to see action on this, not just talk, not just reports. We need to see action on it and now,” she says.

That pressure seems to be paying off.

Although several of those suspected of trafficking girls to Malaysia have already been arrested, critics say authorities have been sluggish or too poorly funded and trained to effectively crack down on those behind the rings.

Now though, officials from the immigration department to law enforcement agencies and presidential advisers have started meeting on the issue and a group of lawmakers is pushing to visit Malaysia to investigate further.

But public awareness of the threat remains perilously low and the trafficking rings are highly organised and increasingly sophisticated, said Asan Kasingye, director of the Interpol office in Kampala.

“The criminals, these international rings, they are also working against us. Instead of taking 10 girls, they might take one a week and if you go to the airport and there is a person going to Malaysia she will have documents saying she is going for studies,” Kasingye said.

Uganda is just one of many sub-Saharan countries affected by sex trafficking. Other countries affected include South Africa, Nigeria, Malawi, Cape Verde, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Ghana, Tanzania, Ethiopia, and Zambia.

Trafficking victim Kobusingye may finally be back home but she will never escape the effects of what happened to her.

After attempting to find a way to flee China, Kobusingye’s captors sent her to Malaysia, where they thought it would be easier to keep her.

But at Kuala Lumpur airport, immigration officials stopped Kobusingye. During several months in detention there she had a miscarriage.

Then she was told she had been infected with HIV.

Kobusingye was eventually sent back to Uganda with assistance from the International Organisation for Migration and the Malaysian consul. Now she is trying to rebuild her life and start up a second-hand clothes shop. Antiretroviral drugs are free in Uganda, but the potential stigma of her enslavement weighs heavy on the young woman, who has not even told her own mother about what really happened while she was abroad.

While Kobusingye knows she cannot undo the past, she says she’s praying those responsible are brought to justice.

“I want to get those people and take them to prison at least for the rest of their lives because right now I am sick but I have to take care of my kid, I have to take care of my mum,” she says.