Deconstructing the Boerehaat outburst

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by Dan Roodt

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We have a unique English population in South Africa. On the one hand, they are the most politically radical. On the other, some are partially Afrikanerised and bilingual. Just today I was listening to one of them speaking fluent Afrikaans on RadioSonderGrense, just about perfect, with a soupçon of an English accent. At least fifty percent of English-speakers in South Africa have a knowledge of Afrikaans, the highest figure for any anglophone population in the world. A much smaller percentage of them speak French in bilingual Canada and a much smaller proportion of Britons speak any of the other languages of the European Union to which they belong.

Somewhere in 2000 Régis Débray, the French essayist and philosopher and one-time chronicler of Ché Guevara visited South Africa. We immediately hit it off and he was absolutely fascinated by some of my theories on Africanism, the return to the origin, as well as a short introduction to Afrikaner thinking. I remember the local French Institute getting irritated as he was falling behind schedule as a result of our lengthy discussion.

One of the things he said I remember to this day: that no “Anglo-Saxon society” had ever succumbed to totalitarian ideas. Unlike Germany, Italy, Russia and much of Eastern Europe of course. He ascribed it to something that Orwell also wrote about: the common sense of the Englishman, his disdain for complex philosophical or ideological systems. In Orwell’s words:

Here are a couple of generalizations about England that would be accepted by almost all observers. One is that the English are not gifted artistically. They are not as musical as the Germans or Italians, painting and sculpture have never flourished in England as they have in France. Another is that, as Europeans go, the English are not intellectual. They have a horror of abstract thought, they feel no need for any philosophy or systematic ‘world-view’. Nor is this because they are ‘practical’, as they are so fond of claiming for themselves. One has only to look at their methods of town planning and water supply, their obstinate clinging to everything that is out of date and a nuisance, a spelling system that defies analysis, and a system of weights and measures that is intelligible only to the compilers of arithmetic books, to see how little they care about mere efficiency. But they have a certain power of acting without taking thought. Their world-famed hypocrisy – their double-faced attitude towards the Empire, for instance – is bound up with this.

However, I think I must write to Débray that he and Orwell were wrong, at least in some respects. The Jekyll-and-Hyde nature of the local English-speaking population divides into both a good-natured, polite, hospitable, outdoorsy type (like Afrikaners) and a more sinister, scheming, obsessive, greedy bunch oozing bad faith and hatred. I have experience of both kinds. Suffice it to say that the Mr. Hyde-style English person has caused us untold suffering; he or she is usually in the forefront of inciting hatreds of all kinds, advocating war or terrorism, social engineering on a vast scale, collective punishment and, last but not least, Boerehaat.

Ironically, while abjuring ethnicity, race and any form of patriotism, considered “fascist”, the leftist kind of Englishman reacts ethnically, viscerally to any form of “other” on the horizon. I have seen it many times, including over the past week with a motley collection of silly scribes and armchair activists lashing out at the Red October protest and campaign.

It bears repeating: the South African anti-racist is the biggest racist of them all! Their compulsive rejection of the (white) other is so fanatical, so obsessive, so pathological even that it borders on the insane. Not only do they hate Afrikaners, but also Southern Americans, Scots, French (the “Frogs”), Germans (the “Krauts”), the Dutch who are by definition “dumb”, Italians, Greeks, etc. While embracing political radicalism, Marxism (espcially the “vulgar” kind), egalitarian extremism, they still subscribe to nineteenth-century Anglo-Saxon supremacism. Albert Brenner recently reminded us of Cecil John Rhodes’s famous statement:

I contend that we British are the finest race in the world and that the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race. Just fancy those parts that are at present inhabited by the most despicable specimens of human beings what an alteration there would be if they were brought under Anglo-Saxon influence…

However, as an old Boer who participated in the first Anglo-Boer said: “I have seen the colour of the English flag and it is white.” The mythical victory of Wellington over Napoleon at Waterloo was largely won with German mercenaries. Hence the form of the ongoing low-intensity conflict between the English radical and the Afrikaner in this country: Besides placing bombs in public places or Wimpy restaurants, terrorism being the method of the coward, his main form of combat is in the propaganda department, a job which is also eminently suitable for women.

I could go into the vile history of the so-called “armed blacks” of the Anglo-Boer when the invading English army introduced interracial rape as a weapon of war into our pristine land, and you will get an understanding of English “warfare” which resembles the atrocities of a Charles Taylor or some Congolese warlord avenging himself on defenceless women and children. The point is that the English radical does the incitement and the “psy ops” but lets others do the fighting, or even the protesting.

A few months ago I observed this at close quarters outside the Constitutional Court in Johannesburg. There were a few English radicals outside the court, speaking on cellphones, summoning their rented black crowd who duly arrived to toyi-toyi about “racism” in Afrikaans schools. A lone Afrikaner armed only with a camera, I confronted the black crowd and asked them why they weren’t singing “Dubula iBunu” (Shoot the Boer) because I was in attendance. But apparently that was not on the programme, to my great disappointment.

The Englishman and -woman, being cowards, would never confront us directly. They would always summon some or other rent-a-crowd or bused-in mob to protest or sometimes commit some horrible sadistic act, such as an intimidatory necklace murder. “Kill one, scare a thousand,” said Mao and of course the English radical has embraced this principle to the hilt.

Despite her surname, Gillian Schutte is as English and as radical as they come. Echoing the South African Communist Party, she has delivered the latest screaming denunciation of the Red October protest, aptly entitled Seeing Red. As confessions of Boerehaat go, it demonstrates a few things. The lack of culture and intellectualism that Orwell routinely ascribed to his countrymen, would be one of them. In fact, when the new, radical government took over in 1994, one of the first things that Kader Asmal, a miserable Indian and zombie warlord of the British Empire, did was to confiscate the classical-music instruments at Afrikaans schools. That vindictive, philistine act was surely not only his idea, but must have been decided by some English committee somewhere. No doubt the committee must have been consumed with envy and hatred at seeing our beautiful children singing in choirs and operettas, as naturally “musical as Italians or Germans” (see Orwell quote above) and playing their instruments with that quiet seriousness which is so characteristic of the Afrikaner child, as opposed to the ill-discipline, the boisterous and disrespectful, often drug-ridden anomie of the modern “English” child.

Many English bands build a career on about three guitar chords, as opposed to our famous pianists who perform Chopin or Beethoven the world over. The annual Unisa international piano competition is the highlight of the Afrikaner social calendar in Pretoria. However, English music, like English food, is loud and repetitive. Gillian Schutte does not have three chords. She only has one, strident, false note: “racism”. Karl Marx turned Hegel “on his head” in order to give us the class struggle, but even that simple idea is too complex for our local Rooinek Reds. (“Aanstap Rooies, die pad is lank en swaar…” goes the Afrikaans folk song, the existence of folk songs being another sign of our innate “fascism”.) Their natural inclination is to a kind of Spanish-Inquisition denunciation of the heretic. I think I have already pointed out the resemblance between the primitive and literal South African witch-hunt during which the offending man or usually woman is “sniffed out” by a sangoma and current attempts to identify and isolate dissidents or “racists” in order to publicly pillory or perhaps even physically harm them.

Gillian Schutte is the sangoma of the Johannesburg Left. According to her, the “Red October (campaign is).. becoming their own worst enemies as they buy into the construct of an imaginary genocide and declare a hate-filled discursive war against the entire black population”.

In essence, Schutte is calling for a black mob or impi to come and “sort out” the white, Afrikaner racists.

“But where is the outrage?” she laments. She claims that someone had called President Jacob Zuma (whose strongly Zulu identity most Afrikaners actually approve of, as being in keeping with their own ideas about acceding to modernity through one’s own culture and not a foreign one) a “Kaffer dog”. It is obvious that hordes of English “cyber warriors” in the form of agents provocateurs will try to frame Afrikaner dissidents by posting “racist” statements all over Facebook in the next few weeks, so that Schutte and her fellow racial cheerleaders may appeal to black racial identity which they keep in a wounded, rancorous state through endlessly harping on “apartheid”, “our dark past” and similar Gothic tales that are mostly fiction, interspersed with a few half-truths here and there.

To the “progressive English white”, blacks are but dogs to do his bidding, in taking the fight to the enemy: the patriotic Afrikaner who refuses to leave or disappear, or to wither away and die. At the end of the Anglo-Boer war, the British high command was flooded with letters from irate Natalians and Capetonians who did not want Britain to stop but to “cleanse the country for England” and proceed to a complete genocide of the Boer population, man, woman and child. In the concentration camps there was a concerted attempt to stamp out the Afrikaans language and identity. As E.B. Sargent wrote to Lord Milner in 1903:

We must appeal to England and the brothers and sisters of those who have fought for the Empire, asking them to come over to carry out that part of the work which their kinsmen were not able to complete. Our military operations have resulted in the greater part of the boys now remaining in the camps, and I am convinced that we have no better opportunity than now to make them all English-speaking next year … What we now require here are women, highly capable teachers with strong patriotism who would be willing to come hither and face the hardships of the camp life, in order to teach the children of the burghers our language and our ideals. Gradually these children should also be taught our great Imperial ideals.

Chris Louw overheard Alistair Sparks on an aeroplane, saying something similar, that Britain had made a singular mistake in not killing all Afrikaners when she had had the opportunity. Underlying the anti-racist discourse of the anglophone Left are the most archaic prejudices against the “European”, the non-English, as well as the Afrikaner – speaking his “guttural tongue” as it has been dubbed in so many trashy English novels written in this country.

In South Africa the colonial genocide of the nineteenth century meets the “progressive” genocides of the twentieth and they intermingle, eclectically, syncretistically. The British camp commander and rapist of Boer girls in their early teens meets Winnie Mandela with her box of matches and together they dance around the bonfire screaming their Rwandan chant from La Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines: “Kill the cockroaches!” Is it pure coincidence that Natal, source of all those genocidal letters, also has a “Valley of a Thousand Hills”? Cue in Stalin, Pol Pot, Mao’s Red Guards and you have the picture. I have always maintained that South Africa is a dumping ground for worn-out but dangerous ideologies from the rest of the world, such as communism or, in this case, American race ideology with its anti-white bias.

No-one in the petty-minded phalanx of the South African Left understands what the term “deconstruction” actually means, yet it has become one of those buzz-words circulating like a rumour or a piece of gossip. Let me not enlighten the benighted necklacists of Wits or UCT in their postcolonial trance.

Except, perhaps, for pointing out or performing one small piece of Abbau. Haha, it almost sounds like the Khoi loanword in Afrikaans and the name of Swedish pop group, “abba”.

Race, we are told by the leftist mob, is a social construct. Yet in their response to Afrikaner dissidence and protest in being led to the slaughterhouse – no longer are we lambs – the Left appeals very strongly to race and racial identity.

“Where is the outrage?” screams Gillian Schutte, meaning the outrage of blacks who should respond to her clarion call of race and a deep, biological identity. Jonathan Jansen, whom I call the clown of Bloemfontein, has published a collection of clichés called “Knowledge in the blood”. Yet, the Left, with its internationalist-Marxist, globalist, deculturated, we-are-all-the-same bombast, is actually appealing to the most basic of instincts: blood and racial rage.

Will the black hordes assemble for the witches’ sabbath of the white feminists? Are the Bantu that stupid?

That anyone should risk the future of South Africa in proving a point to a few Afrikaner protestors with red balloons is, of course, another indication of just how certifiably insane Ms. Hyde has become. Are we on our way to a Rwanda, a Katyn Wood, a Khmer Rouge Cambodia, a Maoist Cultural Revolution?

The sinister South African Left has always craved corpses in the streets, which it had after the Church Street bomb, as well as its ill-fated march on Bisho. The cold-blooded murder of the three AWB men in Bophutatswana by a black policeman is still relished as the crowning glory of its achievement.

To see a white man begging for his life before an armed black (or a mob), represents the ultimate English-leftist fantasy. Farm murders, as well as the shooting of Afrikaner children like Kayla Rawsthorne, Danielle Esterhuizen, Willemien Potgieter, Alyssa Botha and others by roaming young black “freedom fighters” sates, at least for a few moments, the bloodlust of the colonial “Reds” in this part of the world.

Afrikaners (and moderate whites generally) should keep cool heads, but also be aware that even the continued existence of Afrikaans government schools inspires an ethnic reaction which can become dangerous if left unchecked. We have already seen at Heidelberg, Fochville and other places how seemingly placid communities may be swept up through racial and ethnic rhetoric, disguised as “anti-racism”.

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Mpumalanga farm murder: One acquitted

farmmurdersThe Nelspruit Circuit Court found Aaron Majawodwa Nkosi, 30, guilty on Tuesday of killing white Mpumalanga farmer Johannes Hendrik Tolstoi Schoeman.

A Sapa correspondent reported that Nkosi’s co-accused Thomas Johannes Nyathi, 30, was acquitted.

The two black men were accused of robbing and kidnapping Gudryn Schoeman, 67, and murdering her 86-year-old husband at Vygeboom Farm, near Badplaas, on the night of December 17, 2010.

Judge Mmonoa Teffo said Nkosi incriminated himself during the pointing out of the crime scene, and that his evidence tallied with the testimony of Gudryn Schoeman.

“Nkosi put himself on the crime scene by pointing out the crime scenes,” said Teffo

He had told Captain Martinus Roussou, from the Hawks in Middelburg, that he was at the farm on December 16.

“You said you climbed next to the roof to the top floor of the house and on the first floor, went through a door inside the house.

“You also pointed to the bedroom where Schoeman was found lying on a bed, and attacked him… your accomplice strangled him on his throat until he was unconscious,” said Teffo.

She said Nkosi had shown Roussou how they waited for Gudryn Schoeman to enter the room and how they attacked her before demanding money from her.

“You pointed how Nyathi searched the cupboards, where keys to the couple’s car were fetched and how you left the farm with the wife on the way to Belfast ATM.

“You even pointed the accident scene at the Carolina R33 road, where the Honda Jazz you were travelling in with Schoeman’s wife had the accident.”

Teffo said that, during a trial-within-a-trial, it became clear that Nkosi had not been assaulted to confess to the crime.

“Captain Roussou testified the interpretation was not met with difficulties. Your rights were explained and interpreted. You never even raised to him you were assaulted during the interview and you even signed the rights document.

“If you did raise any complaint to Captain Roussou, he should have asked you to lay charges against those responsible,” said Teffo.

The judge said Nkosi had claimed he was home that night and had no alibi.

“I am satisfied you were involved in the commission of the crime. You are therefore found guilty beyond reasonable doubt on all five counts.”

She said that although the blood samples taken from the car used in the crime, which later crashed into a wall, matched Nyathi’s, the State had failed to prove its case against him.

“Testimony by Pretoria laboratory Warrant Officer Matome Arthur Manyama stated there was error regarding the CAS number. The CAS number on the sample bag was 37122011, instead of 37122010.

“Although Manyama communicated with W/O Orcilla Loubser to rectify the mistake, Loubser herself did not mention it in her testimony,” she said.

“Due to the fact that a proper procedure was not followed by the police

team, there is doubt about contamination.”

Although Nyathi had been unable to explain how his blood came to be on the car’s bumper, she do not accept the DNA results, Teffo said.

“There is no evidence which positively links Nyathi to the crime and he is acquitted of all charges,” she said.

Nkosi will be sentenced on Wednesday. – Sapa

Joe Slovo and the roots of Afrikaner genocide


More and more, the term “genocide” is entering our everyday vocabulary. Many people, including columnists, have already explained that it is not the absolute number of people killed that defines a genocide, but the motives and the manner in which they are slaughtered.

The atrocities committed on South African whites during farm murders, house robberies, car hijackings and the shooting of children, even toddlers such as Willemien Potgieter, point to a disturbing form of ethnic cleansing going on in the country.

In a current survey on our Afrikaans website and with more than 700 people participating, 93,9% of those polled declared: “I believe there is a white genocide taking place in South Africa.”

roodt_fbfotoHow did this Afrikaner genocide arise? Where did it come from? When did it start? Many people believe it is caused by racial tension. Although race does play a role in that the perpetrators are normally black and the victims white, race in itself does not account for the nature of this genocide which is as pervasive as it is officially denied and passed over in silence by the so-called mainstream media.

I believe the genocidal movement against Afrikaners started already in the 1940s. Early in the fifties there were the first incidents when whites were randomly attacked and butchered by black rioters, so there was already an inchoate form of ethnic violence even back then. In East London a nun doing charity work in the local black township was murdered and then set upon by the rioters who ate parts of her body. Such acts of cannibalism endure to this day, as was reported in Witchdoctor who cooked farmer’s testicles a few days ago. More importantly, however, the ideology of Afrikaner genocide was being formed at the time with mostly communists dreaming of a day when South Africa would be cleansed of its indigenous whites altogether.

Recently a biography by Alan Wieder, Ruth First and Joe Slovo in the war against apartheid was published. I have not read it, but it is certainly significant that an unreconstructed communist such as Slovo should be widely honoured today. [Postscript: I did read it after writing this and wrote a review in Afrikaans.] Although Slovo spent most of his adult life in London, he was by far the most influential revolutionary in South Africa during the twentieth century. Through his skillful use of both terrorist violence and propaganda, he was able to conquer the once seemingly invincible Afrikaner government with its strong military backed by a powerful industrial state.

It would be fair to say that a coterie of communist intellectuals from the 1940s introduced the notion that South Africa should either “return to the origin” of a putative, Edenic, unspoilt Africa before the coming of the evil white man or it should undergo a violent revolution that would create a completely new and strictly egalitarian society. Either way, a radically “new country” had to be constructed.

Commentators as diverse as Dr. Gregory Stanton of Genocide Watch and the French “new philosophers” (nouveaux philosophes) of the 1970s have argued that there is an intrinsic link between communism and genocide. Most genocides of the twentieth century, be they in Soviet Russia, China, Cambodia, Vietnam and elsewhere, have been committed by communists. At least sixty million people were murdered in what has become known as a “Red Holocaust” perpetrated under the leadership of figures such as Joseph Stalin, Kim Il Sung, Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh and Pol Pot.

Communism is an absolutist ideology that brooks no dissent, therefore a causal link seems to exist between communism and genocide. Since the quasi-communist takeover of South Africa in 1994 and with the country since moving further and further to the Left, genocide has also started to appear as a fundamental characteristic of the so-called “new South Africa”.

Intolerance towards the Afrikaner ethnic group, the Afrikaans language, literature and culture have grown rapidly. Many communists regard the Afrikaans language in itself as “offensive” and therefore want it banned from the public domain. Afrikaans place names too have been systematically removed from towns, streets, buildings and other places.

A foreign African set alight by local South African blacks
A foreign African set alight by local South African blacks

At the same time the country is often shaken by xenophobic riots and killings, directed against foreign Africans. During 2009, 80 people were slain during a spate of xenophobic attacks, with hardly anyone charged with the murders.

In a sense, Afrikaners are also considered to be foreigners, being non-black and non-English. Having been excluded from political power, they are now caught between two chauvinisms, two forms of intolerance: racial and linguistic. Even though they have been in the country for 360 years, they are deemed “not to fit in” with the new, revolutionary culture which is Afro-Saxon, black and English.

However, neither all blacks nor all English-speakers display intolerance towards Afrikaners and Afrikaans. Millions of black people also speak Afrikaans as a second language and as a lingua franca in large parts of South Africa. Where does Afrikaner hatred come from then?

It comes from the revolutionary minority, of whom Joe Slovo is the progenitor. In a sense, Marxism is the ultimate uitlander ideology. After the discovery of gold in the Transvaal in 1886, about 50 000 foreign speculators descended upon Johannesburg. Despite being very tolerant and accomodating to them, the then Afrikaner or Boer government was not to their liking and a process of fomenting war and ethnic hatred towards Afrikaners was launched.

Many of the stereotypes and caricatures created by the uitlander press of Johannesburg are still with us today and have never been challenged. These have simply been adapted and amended to suit the ends of the Marxist revolutionaries. Whereas in the nineteenth century the Afrikaner was depicted as being “backward and uneducated” (even though many uitlanders crawled out of the slums of European cities), he is now seen as “conservative and racist”.

To Slovo and his followers, the Afrikaner’s love of his language and culture, his patriotic attachment to South Africa, his pride in his intellectual and economic achievements, are all signs of his incorrigible “fascism”. The continued existence of some Afrikaans schools, churches, cultural associations and so on, is seen as a reactionary refusal to bend to the will of the revolutionary Left that conquered the country in 1994. The Afrikaner must therefore be punished for his dissidence and his children preferably brainwashed into accepting the dissolution of their culture and identity, as well  as their integration into a kind of mulatto multitude.

Slovo was not alone in his abhorrence of Afrikaners. In the writings of his close friend, the Nobel-prize winning author Nadine Gordimer, as well as the photographs of the acclaimed photographer, David Goldblatt, we find a similar treatment of Afrikaners as uncouth and even mentally retarded “white trash”. In emulation of Gordimer, the renegade Afrikaner author André Brink has created some even more extreme caricatures from Afrikaner history. Many of these left-wing cultural Marxists drew on American “Appalachian” stereotypes to portray Afrikaners to foreign audiences. Afrikaners are seen as “white trash”, despite the fact that as a group in South Africa they have produced more postgraduates, more accountants, more lawyers, more classical musicians, more scientists and mathematicians than any other. Until recently, more books had been published in Afrikaans in South Africa than in English.

But to the communist revolutionaries, we are “backward” and “mentally retarded”.

In fact, even the finest examples of modern Afrikaner architecture have been derided as expressions of the apartheid ideology and a kind of “degenerate art”. Ironically, those who object to the Nazi concept of Entartete Kunst or “degenerate art”, apply it themselves when looking at Afrikaans architecture, paintings, music, literature and so on.

The Rand Afrikaans University (now University of Johannesburg) as photographed by David Goldblatt (Museum of Modern Art, New York)
The Rand Afrikaans University (now University of Johannesburg) as photographed by David Goldblatt (Museum of Modern Art, New York)

Like the French new philosophers such as André Glucksmann and Jean-François Revel have claimed, Marxism is a totalitarian ideology. It demands total revolution: a radical change in the whole world and all culture. But it may also stigmatise a culture as useless and even pernicious. If one cannot destroy the culture itself, its bearers may always be physically eliminated. Within the totalitarian mind, all of this is perfectly logical.

Volumes may be written about the betrayal of Afrikaners by their own ruling elite, especially by Mr. FW de Klerk. But one of the most tragic consequences of that betrayal has been the passing of the formerly nationalist media group, Naspers, over to the camp of the Slovoists. The politics of Naspers, as opposed to its more neutral foreign investment decisions, is determined by one or two political commissars serving on its board of directors.

Until recently, Prof. Jakes Gerwel, a self-confessed Marxist who had wept when the Berlin wall came down, had served on the Naspers board. Another radical cultural Marxist who is strongly hostile towards Afrikaners and their tradition, is Prof. Hein Willemse who still serves on the board.

Trotsky described Czarism “as belonging in the dustbin of history”. To the uitlander communist in South Africa, Afrikaners represent “white trash” that also belong in the “trash can of history”. Since 1994, both the mass media and government have conspired to produce a series of very negative images of Afrikaners.

They purveyors of hate produce the hate crimes, creating a climate in which killing Afrikaners is seen to be permissible, even desirable. But Afrikaner or white genocide can also be a joke, presumably because:

  • no-one cares;
  • whites should just accept whatever happens to them.

Writing on a blog for the left-wing Mail & Guardian newspaper, Sarah Britten explains why joking about so-called “corrective rape” for lesbians is horrific, but making fun of white genocide on Twitter is not. Even just recognising the phenomenon of white genocide, makes one a “right-wing extremist”:

“But joking about corrective rape is very different from joking about #whitegenocide. One is real, an act of violence against a very vulnerable section of society. The other is the perception of a politically motivated programme of murder, one that is deeply entwined with right-wing extremist narratives. One kind of joke reinforces existing power structures; the other subverts them.”

To the Left, whites need never fear, even when they are killed or told that they are going to be murdered.

 A novel portraying Afrikaners as mentally retarded, racist, incestuous “white trash”, such as Triomf by Marlene van Niekerk, was acclaimed as the greatest work of literature ever to come out of South Africa, apart from Gordimer’s body of writing. On the state television and in the pages of the Naspers newspapers, such caricatures of Afrikaners were eagerly embraced.

Van Niekerk spent some time at the University of the Witwatersrand where she had imbibed the Slovoist view of Afrikaners as “degenerate whites”. The theme of incest in the novel and a subsequent film was a metaphor for the Afrikaner nation itself. By dating or marrying someone of your own kind, you are committing a form of incest, which can only produce degenerates. Of course, at a certain level, the cultural Marxists of South Africa want to claim that being white or of European ancestry is in itself a form of “genetic degeneracy”. History is on the side of the creole or the mulatto, as the Marxist intellectual and Naspers director, Prof. Hein Willemse, has often explained.

“Opting out” of creolization, be it  linguistic, racial or otherwise, is therefore deemed to be an affront to the system. Afrikaners who wish to continue with their tradition, as well as the standard, Germanic form of their language that may be traced back to the seventeenth century and even to the European Middle Ages and Middle Dutch, are regarded as dissidents, even heretics. In 2005 I was invited to talk about my fairly innocuous novel Moltrein in a bookshop in Stellenbosch and was almost prevented from doing so by a group of Marxist academics. I was even threatened with violence.

This was my first direct experience of the anti-Afrikaner intolerance that manifests itself in censorship, ostracism and, of course, farm murders and other kinds of ethnic killings in South Africa. Many Naspers journalists are in favour of such censorship. The full extent of the horrors and atrocities currently being visited upon Afrikaners is carefully sanitised as “just crime which one finds everywhere”, when it is not completely ignored. Among journalists and academics, there is much tacit support for the ethnic cleansing of Afrikaners. Prof. Jonathan Jansen, the affirmative-action rector of the University of the Free State, has stated on more than one occasion that there was something wrong with people who dated or married members of their own race.

Uitlander communists and other South African revolutionaries are contemptuous of Afrikaans and Afrikaners because they are seen as “Eurocentric”, “too white”, “exclusive” (even though Afrikaners are routinely excluded from government and most institutions on racial grounds) and, of course, “racist”. In South Africa, we have really come full circle and the racism of the anti-racists is far worse than any traditional ethnic chauvinism of the “nationalist” type.

“Mixing the races” is seen as imperative in South Africa, because Afrikaners need to be assimilated and coerced into “being part of one, big multicultural nation”. In the words of Leopold Scholtz, one of the Naspers ideologues, “the Afrikaner must be fused with the brown (mulatto or Coloured) people”.

But for some assimilation is too slow. Killing is so much quicker and more effective. Hence the “final solution to the Afrikaner problem” that is taking shape in South Africa.


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Blacks committed cruel farm murder, says Christian party

The murder of a mother of two during a robbery on a farm outside Randfontein was an act of cruelty, the Christian Democratic Party said on Thursday.

“The level of cruelty during farm murders is so appalling that it is impossible not to be outraged by them,” CDP leader Theunis Botha said in a statement.

Beeld newspaper named the woman as Venessa Stafleu, 34, from the farm Doornfontein 2. Botha said her murder followed the death of a 75-year-old woman, killed on her farm near Citrusdal.

“Some of these farm murders appear to be indiscriminate and are perpetrated only to satisfy some thirst for blood. We regard it as highly irresponsible that the government has not declared farm murders a priority crime,” he said.

The woman was shot and killed when robbers broke into her home on Monday around 8pm, said Captain Appel Ernst. Her two children, aged three and five, were in the house at the time.

Money and guns were stolen. At the time, the woman’s husband was driving back to the house.

A visit to the office

 

Partial view of the Afrikaans language monument at Paarl, Western Cape


 

A new office

Recently we moved into a new office in Roodepoort, just west of Johannesburg, which we are sharing with another NGO. We have a nice big boardroom for meetings and a free internet connection supplied by the restaurant owner downstairs. In fact, just about all the fixed costs are being funded by an anonymous donor right here in South Africa.

In the one office sits someone working on a book about the South African genocide – all the farmers and other whites killed since 1994 when the ANC came to power in this country. In another there is some painstaking research and documentation on all the atrocities committed during the same period, with the files getting bigger and bigger.

In the third room we are working on extending our network in South Africa and worldwide, as well as developing alternative media such as websites and e-books.

E-books

We have just negotiated a deal with a distributor of e-readers and are going to sell these at cost price to all our members, about 800 rand or $100 each. These nifty gadgets may contain up to 32 000 e-books on the device and its flash drive, so we reckon it is becoming an alternative to the normally onerous costs and trouble of bringing out traditional books.

For a start, we are going to donate five such devices to schools in the area west of Johannesburg as prizes in an essay competition. That will enable us to market our websites to all the parents in the area and possibly recruit more members, apart from the cultural value of the whole operation.

Pressure on remaining white, Afrikaans schools

As I explained in my last letter, there is constant pressure by the provincial education departments on our schools. South Africa is littered with schools that have suddenly been overrun by blacks, only to fall into disprepair or even stop functioning altogether.

The national education department recently admitted that 4 000 schools had been closed since 1994. Given that South Africa’s population grew by about twenty million over the last twenty years, both naturally and as a result of illegal immigration, the question is: Where did all those children go? The answer is that many of them abandoned the schools in their own areas and flocked to schools in majority-white areas, putting tremendous strain on resources.

In the town of Koppies in the Free State province I saw a concrete example of this process. A young woman, being a former headgirl of the once proud school, explained to me what had happened there. First a political decision was taken by the local party apparatchiks to break up the mostly white high school in Koppies. Black children were force-marched to the school from miles away. Standards of behaviour and of academic prowess plummeted and the white parents started driving their children to another high school in the nearest big town, Kroonstad, about 50 miles or 80 kilometres away. Some became boarders in Kroonstad.

In the meantime the black children started to revolt against the long daily walks to school and went back to the school in their own area. So in short succession Koppies High School went from mostly white to black to empty. Not satisfied, the provincial education department which is of course itself run by the ruling ANC, decided to build a boarding house at huge cost on the school grounds. Needless to say, the usual corruption, inflated prices, kickbacks and nepotism played a role in awarding the contract. However, even after this, the black children were still on strike, as it were, refusing to come to the “conquered” school. Next the education department decided that those children would have to be bused in, with a fat transport contract to be awarded for this. However, two factions formed in the local party ranks, both wanting the transport contract, so that in the end the money was used for something else.

As we drove past the school, the former headgirl explained to me with tears in her eyes that the school, once the pride of the local white Afrikaner community and which had once excelled both academically and in sports, was now standing empty, despite having a new boarding house. Even the electricity had been cut for non-payment. The principal and two other staff members were still there, working in an office connected by a common electric extension cable such as those used in gardens, running to a nearby house.

In my last letter, I referred to Fochville High School, which is currently being targeted for similar treatment. If the town had to lose its high school, it would probably decline economically too. So we have vowed not to let that happen, although we have to careful not to expose the white headmistress and her staff to victimisation by the education department. Schools such as Ermelo who have tried to resist by going to court, have found their school boards simply dismissed or the headmaster summarily fired.

Fortunately, all is not lost, as there are still many well-functioning schools. A recent academic survey of so-called “formerly Model C schools” as such schools were called under the old government, found that our standards of mathematics placed us in the top ten in the world, ahead of countries such as Australia, Britain and the USA. My own children have excellent teachers in maths, science, languages, art, music and every other subject. In South Africa there exists an advanced maths course for high school called “alpha maths” which includes demanding university-level calculus and a small but dedicated group of students at the school take this too.

No wonder our people, refugees from Africanist violence and affirmative action, are in demand the world over, wherever they go. Our loss is the other countries’ gain.

Afrikaners in diaspora

I have often thought that the current generation of emigrants to OECD countries such as Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Britain, the USA, the Netherlands and others could play a positive role. Not only could they alert others to our plight, but also bear testimony as to the abject failure of South Africa’s extremist multicultural revolution. I firmly believe that the similar testimony by Russian émigrés in the early days of the Soviet period played a major role in alerting other Europeans to the dangers of communism, which eventually led to its demise after 1989. Let us hope that our expatriate population could serve as a catalyst for change in their host countries too.

Over the past few weeks I have been really encouraged by communications with Afrikaners all over the world, in the US, the Low Countries, Australia, New Zealand, the United Arab Emirates and even as far afield as Malaysia. Many described the South African embassies being run by ANC personnel in their host countries as being hopelessly incompetent. In forming PRAAG groups in those countries, we would be doing the work of the embassies in keeping contact with our people abroad. Let’s hope that one day we might get our embassies back again. But as with schools, it is not so much the buildings that matter, but what goes on inside them.

Regards,

Dan Roodt

Director, PRAAG

PRAAG calls for civil disobedience after passing of language bill

For more than two hundred years the Afrikaans language has been attacked and marginalised in South Africa, either by the British colonial authorities or by the ANC regime. During the days of National Party rule, English was allowed to retain its role as sole public language and Afrikaans was subjected to censorship.

PRAAG (the Pro-Afrikaans Action Group) therefore rejects the notion that Afrikaans could ever be classified with English as a “previously advantaged language”. Commenting in Johannesburg, Dr. Dan Roodt, the leader of PRAAG said: “No language has been more subject to state repression and marginalisation than Afrikaans. The new language bill simply represents a continuation of British imperialism and colonialism, with the genocidal ANC regime intent upon killing Afrikaans and a large number of its speakers.”

Roodt has called upon the international community to “take note of the dire situation in South Africa, with the ANC regime inviting ethnic conflict through its policy of cultural and linguistic imperialism, as well as attacks upon Afrikaans schools, place names, museums and libraries.”

PRAAG will join in court applications with other Afrikaans organisations to stop the illegal and totalitarian measures being taken against Afrikaans. However, it has also called for civil disobedience to the “sushi-devouring, corrupt, Milnerist satraps whose tyrannical rule over South Africa already represents a crime against humanity. Afrikaners especially should not pay toll fees, taxes or make any contribution to sustain these Idi Amin-like clowns who are dreaming of being British lords calling us donkeys for speaking Afrikaans.”

However, the pro-Afrikaans body has welcomed the “clarity” brought by the ANC’s new language law. “If final evidence had been needed that the unitary state of South Africa was doomed, this is it,” said Roodt. “The only logical way out is self-determination for Afrikaners, as soon as possible. There is currently a reawakening of our noble Afrikaner spirit that has sustained us in the struggle against imperialism for so long. We prevailed against the British Empire and will likewise survive the Nguni Empire in its venality, ugliness and arrogance.”

PRAAG welcomes UN investigation into Afrikaner genocide

After many letters and three overseas visits to bring violent attacks on Afrikaner farmers to the attention of the international community, PRAAG welcomes the imminent visit of a UN delegation to investigate the possibility of genocide in South Africa.

The Pro-Afrikaans Action Group’s leader, Dr. Dan Roodt, said: “The announcement (video link to E-TV news bulletin underneath) by Mr. Castro Wesamba that the United Nations is sending an expert delegation to investigate farm murders and other forms of ethnic violence in our country shows that the international community has not forgotten us. But it had also been necessary for PRAAG and an anonymous farmer from Rustenburg to wage an international campaign around the issue before we got the necessary response.”

Within the context of the Malema trial currently taking place in the Johannesburg High Court, South Africa finds itself already, according to Roodt, “in the midst of what the United Nations has been calling in their most recent terminology an identity conflict. For considerable time now, we have been maitaining that the level of violence, dehumanisation, hate speech and open incitement to ethnic conflict and even genocide is not normal, not at all. However, the South African public and Afrikaners in particular have been conditioned to accept these extreme conditions as normal with some attempting to protect themselves against these by means of ad hoc and individual measures.”

PRAAG is planning to step up its communication with the UN, as well as the American and other foreign governments in the run-up to the UN visit. “We feel that there should be a national and international debate and concern about the identity conflict in South Africa. We blame the South African media and academics for not addressing the issue with greater insight and seriousness. Thousands of murders and tens of thousands of attacks could have been prevented.”

Roodt was also of the opinion that “the duty of every government to protect its citizens, which is also a principle of international law, is not being applied in our country. We should demand the right to protection. Otherwise, there should be tax incentives and funding for more private security, if the state and the police cannot perform its duties.”