Tag: Dan Roodt

The geopolitics of South Africa’s puppet scandals

To say that popular singer Steve Hofmeyr and author Dan Roodt are targeted by the South African media monopoly, is putting it mildly. They are hounded and smeared daily by paid employees on social media.

With senior staff now openly revolting against Media24, most journalists are searching for new horizons in a job market reeling from the internet.

The only other paying jobs that are not in newsprint are websites flush with Soros money. It thus pays to be a basher of anything sane and conservative.

So sharing deep thoughts with local neo-cons whose articles, full of wishful thinking, are just as short-lived as the latest “racist scandal” editors dream up in an effort to cover up the inevitable decline.

The current malaise is linked to BRICS of which South Africa is a member. Neo-cons tell their stooges in the media giant that America and China will reshape the world order, but only last week China picked Russia and officially recognized the Crimean referendum.

Media24’s official Russia-basher Leopold Scholtz, reporting from the EU, was again refuted by developments in Germany just days ago. He keeps pretending not to notice the earth moving beneath his feet.

So the Steve-and-Dan smear campaign has gained momentum in order not to tackle the large elephant in the room.

A pock-faced jester was even hauled out to spout libel and vile insults, taunting the two Afrikaners in the latest desperate attempt to incite racial animosity or whatever it is that will not dig the printed news hole deeper.

As readers also found out last week, Merkel’s Brisbane speech may actually bring in a major shift in German politics. Afrikaners adore Germans, even though they hate Nazis. A shift from a long phase of Merkel’s undisputed leadership to one where she gets increasingly challenged by furious industrialists, is afoot.

Scholtz – his father was historian to the architect of Apartheid Verwoerd, ironically – has become accustomed to framing Afrikaners as Nazis in tendentious articles, a distinctly anti-German and Atlanticist pastime. But failing to find actual evidence, he has had to invent it with the help of a devious editor from one dwindling sheet called Beeld.

A recent Der Spiegel cover on the G20 read “Summit of Failure: How the EU lost Russia over Ukraine”, making Scholtz’s task all the more difficult to paint Afrikaners as Nazis and rant on about Russian aggression.

Signed, in an unprecedented move, by Spiegel Staff as a whole – hence indicating an overall editorial stance – the leading article refused to blame Putin for the Ukraine crisis. It instead blamed Merkel, Scholtz’s darling.

Just as Merkel’s political opponents smell victory, Germany’s leading weekly equates Merkel’s faults to Putin’s. But the turn-around will not be smooth for Media24, a blind neo-con sycophant.

And just a week earlier, ARD had given 30 minutes of airtime to Putin, who was finally able put forward his views in full before a major Western audience. ARD’s editorial decision was also unprecedented.

Meanwhile senior German politicians endorsed the Russian annexation of Crimea.

The Anglo-American media retaliated at full tilt, screeching with indignation: “Why Angela Merkel is saying farewell to Ostpolitik”.

Had they been interested in journalism, and reporting instead of Russia-bashing and race-baiting, they would have asked some pertinent questions about South Africa, BRICS and Europe.

Scholtz, who fancies himself as an honorary re-educated German, is strangely mum, pointing to the fact that there is no editiorial independance from neo-con manipulation in South Africa.

From the English press in the country Atlantic subservience is a given and a constant, but Afrikaners thrive on anti-colonialism and independence.

The big cheeses in Media24 would rather like to forget that fact and concentrate on ad hominem tags.

How more subservient to the US, and deaf to their own readers and businesses, can a media monopoly become? Especially when Afrikaner farmers are killed by the thousands and white crosses dot the countryside marking their torture and demise.

The resentment that Media24’s stubborn Atlanticism and anglophilia arouses among ordinary Afrikaners is thus an old story from our concentration camp past from Aliwal North to Bethulie, Balmoral and the long list of wanton destruction, rape and war crimes by Englishmen.

The news is that even senior politicians and business leaders are now getting tired of Atlanticism, and this may eventually lead to Media24’s downfall.

In their eagerness to bad mouth Steve and Dan, factual errors are overlooked, and outright lies told. Ordinary Afrikaners inundated the media with complaints, calling their reports inadequate, one-sided and biased. But this has strengthened Media24’s resolve to find a “racist” scapegoat or two and save their Atlanticist neo-colonial project.

They also attack the increasingly economically fragile Afrikaners and accuse them of militaristic nationalism.

In their deluded, scapegoating mood, nobody in the crumbling edifice wants to address the real issues. That alone may go down as a major shift in geopolitics.

Hofmeyr, Roodt vow to fight on for Afrikaans

A magistrate at the Randburg Magistrates Court, Naren Sewnarain, accepted the arguments put forward by Conrad Koch that there exists American-style freedom of speech in South Africa and everyone may insult everyone else in the grossest of manners, as well as wage open cyber war on social media. Harming your opponent in any way you see fit, apart from physically assaulting him, was given the imprimatur of the court.

According to Dr. Dan Roodt of the Pro-Afrikaans Action group said: “Although we lost the case, we succeeded in our strategic aim of safeguarding the popular Afrikaans is Groot concerts from disruption by leftist extremists over the past three weeks. That anyone would want to disrupt peaceful, non-political music concerts simply to score points in the media, shows to what extent conditions in South Africa have already degenerated into low-intensity ethnic conflict between language groups.”

The effect of the judgement, which essentially ignored the statute on harassment in favour of a vague appeal to the constitution, will be greater polarisation between groups in South Africa. Public discourse will deteriorate into invective, vituperation, calumny and other forms of what was euphemistically called “robust” speech.

In statements to the media outside the court, Dr. Dan Roodt of PRAAG said that he and Mr. Steve Hofmeyr were campaigning for a less violent and more decent society.

Evidently, decency is no longer a South African value and we may expect even greater degeneration into harmful campaigns, boycotts, race-baiting and other techniques in the cultural-Marxist arsenal.

Arguing before the magistrate, Mr. Steven Budlender, appearing for Conrad Koch, appeared to equate the previous dispensation in South Africa with Nazism, claiming that large numbers of people were wantonly killed. There was even question of it being forbidden to discuss such “facts” as it amounted to “apartheid denial”, which was akin to “Holocaust denial”.

According to both Hofmeyr and Roodt the day was “hardly a victory for free speech. Instead it was a victory for those who wish to curtail a rational and balanced debate about South African history and wish to drown it out with their hysterical exaggerations and intolerance toward dissenting viewpoints. Nonetheless we will continue to question the manufactured consent that every Afrikaner is a Nazi and that therefore our language, culture and history should simply be effaced from South Africa. We will continue to assert the right to write, sing and create in Afrikaans before our own people, regardless of how offensive a certain radical Nomenklatura might find what is after all a basic human right of all peoples and all cultures.”

Excerpt from ‘Raiders of the lost Empire’ by Dan Roodt

The English proclivity for drink, getting drunk, even the pub culture, has taken root in South Africa.

From Vanuatu ‘our’ flag and penchant for imitation

South Africa, especially these days, is trying to decide whether we should emulate Idi Amin’s Uganda or some cargo cult on the island of Vanuatu. You could call the system here a “cargo-cult democracy” and as long as we spend about a billion dollars or so every five years on an election, in between elections it’s anything goes. Anarchy, or close to it.

Raidersblad2However, elections only serve to give the imprimatur of “democracy” to a system in which power changes hands elsewhere: in the ruling party’s headquarters or in dark deals cut with whomever benefits from the system financially.

Speaking of Vanuatu, I first became aware of the existence of this island in the early nineties when I noticed the remarkable resemblance between “our” flag and that of Vanuatu. If there were such a thing as plagiarism in flags, South Africa would be guilty of it. Yet, South Africanness, at least after the decline of Afrikaner influence, is proudly imitatory. The closer one gets in passing oneself off as British, the more “South African” one becomes. Plagiarism at university, at both under- and postgraduate level, is absolutely rife as students “copy and paste” the words and thoughts of others in order to obtain one of our increasingly worthless degrees.

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In other societies a lack of authenticity, or ersatz, showing no originality, or being a copy of something else, a simulacrum, is frowned upon. Not so in South Africa. It is part of “our” colonial heritage. Paradoxically, those revolutionary blacks who fulminate against “colonialism and capitalist exploitation” are the first to adopt the outward trappings of what they imagine a British gentleman to be. They play golf and drive expensive cars. They also drink whisky, of the expensive so-called “single malt” kind, in copious amounts. The English proclivity for drink, getting drunk, even the pub culture, has taken root in South Africa. In fact, in its aspiration to become more and more English, the country has produced the second-biggest beer company in the world, SABMiller. This is a remarkable feat, given that our GDP is only about an eighth of that of Germany, another beer-drinking nation, who was no rival to us in the beer business. As we shall see, beer and being “a nation of one beer” is fundamental to what is called the “new South African identity”.

The English and American taste for drugs has also been adopted. The other day my 18-year old daughter visited the campus of the University of the Witwatersrand and spoke to some first-year students there. (Despite its Afrikaans name, “Wits”, as it is colloquially known, is a decidedly English institution.) According to her, all they could talk about was drugs, what different narcotics they had already tried and what others they still intended to experiment with. With her Afrikaans upbringing and schooling, my daughter takes a keen interest in literature, art and philosophy, and was looking forward to an intellectual exchange with people who may have different perspectives to hers. Yet, alas, all they could talk about was drugs. There is a kind of snobbery around drugs and the English look down upon others who do not use narcotics. I strongly suspect that a lot of the opinions that we encounter in English newspapers or in the media in South Africa, were also concocted while on some form of stupefying substance. The French word for drugs, stupéfiants, expresses it very succinctly, for in the act of drugging oneself one also succumbs to stupor or becomes stupid. South Africa has plumbed such levels of stupidity over the last few years that we are regressing back to primitive, early Stone Age, or even hominid levels. Very soon South African English, which is already considerably creolised and ugly, will consist of screeches and grunts. Like the vuvuzela, a monotonous plastic instrument habitually blown at soccer matches, all communication will eventually descend to a very basic level.

There is something tragic about English consciousness, which is fundamentally unhappy, hence the need to be drugged, inebriated or numbed. Perhaps this has some connection with the global multicultural project, which aspires to the destruction of all identity, including personal identity. Only when we achieve an undifferentiated herd consciousness, an atavistic “we”, are we to become “fully human” or whatever cliché it may be called. In South Africa’s business schools, they even teach courses in “ubuntu” as an ethical principle which translates into “I am a person through others”, another way of expressing the longing for a collective, hive consciousness.

Today in South Africa, it is part of the English creed that we should in no way be “divided”. This is almost a world-wide Anglo-Saxon principle. All progress towards becoming an undifferentiated human mass, a bit like the science-fiction concept of “the Borg” in the American Star Trek series, is applauded. Anyone relinquishing his language and culture in favour of English is seen as having taken a step towards becoming part of the “greater mass” which may even be seen as a global or planetary mass.

Being English in South Africa, and not quite British (yet), is a very painful experience. Like the person who does not quite pass his matric or does not quite make the team, he is forever devoured by “what could have been”. This explains the radicalism, hatred and extremism of many English people who have committed terrorism or espoused communism or Boerehaat (hatred of the Boers) as their motto and been prepared to kill or attack civilians in the name thereof. Why is South Africa so alien to the English mind? one may ask. Of course, there is the ordinary anglophone South African, not part of the academic, media or political elite, and who is probably not seething with Boerehaat and Marxist ideals. But he or she hardly plays any role in defining what it means to be English in South Africa.

At the risk of digressing somewhat, let us look for a moment at what George Orwell had to say about being English. Among Afrikaners, the French, Germans, Spanish and many other nations, reflecting on one’s national identity, style and character is done almost naturally. To Afrikaners, it is even more, a national obsession. The reason for the Afrikaner obsession with identity is not hard to find: it is because we have been forced to share a country with a peculiarly nihilistic, overbearing, colonialist group that is so destructive of identity and culture that we have had to constantly question ourselves.

Why do they hate us so much? Why do they want to prohibit our language, traditions and customs? Is there indeed something wrong with us? The Afrikaner, being given to guilt-ridden, Calvinist introspection and self-doubt, is always trying to locate the problem within himself instead of looking at his hostile, sneering compatriot and his pathological intolerance to any other culture besides his own. In fact, although thousands of novels, essays and theses have been written about what it means to be an Afrikaner, no Afrikaner has ever tried to understand the Englishman. I could have written this essay in Afrikaans, but probably people will only agree with what I have to say and it will not be seen for the unique piece of analysis that it is, an attempt to find out what it means to be English today, in South Africa, but perhaps even globally. I strongly suspect that much of what we experience here, is also felt by people in other non-English countries. The recent essays of Richard Millet (2012) on the decline of French literature in favour of global Anglo-Saxon bestsellers, come to mind.

George Orwell is normally associated with his two dystopian novels, 1984 and Animal Farm. However, he was also one of the few English authors who ventured to reflect on what it means to be English, in his essay “England your England”. Among other things, he has this to say:

“Here are a couple of generalizations about England that would be accepted by almost all observers. One is that the English are not gifted artistically. They are not as musical as the Germans or Italians, painting and sculpture have never flourished in England as they have in France. Another is that, as Europeans go, the English are not intellectual. They have a horror of abstract thought, they feel no need for any philosophy or systematic ‘world-view’. Nor is this because they are ‘practical’, as they are so fond of claiming for themselves. One has only to look at their methods of town planning and water supply, their obstinate clinging to everything that is out of date and a nuisance, a spelling system that defies analysis, and a system of weights and measures that is intelligible only to the compilers of arithmetic books, to see how little they care about mere efficiency. But they have a certain power of acting without taking thought. Their world-famed hypocrisy – their double-faced attitude towards the Empire, for instance – is bound up with this.” (Orwell 1946)

There is a kind of cliché that one may often find in Afrikaans newspapers and uttered by know-it-all Afrikaner academics: that “the Afrikaner feels inferior to the Englishman”. Of course, being an Afrikaner academic today means that you have actually accepted, not only the Anglo-American world-view, but also the ANC and Communist Party’s way of thinking, otherwise you would not have a job! So such opinions do not carry much weight. Here I am merely signalling that such a notion exists.

However, I have come across very few Afrikaners who actually feel that way, or who see themselves as inferior. Most of the time, it is the opposite. As Afrikaners dominate the English in most English sports and games that they actually play, there is rather a complacency in the Afrikaner mind that he is physically and mentally superior to the Englishman. The idea that the English are lazy and tend to concentrate on activities that are both lucrative and require little effort, is also widespread. As a farmer once explained to me, in the English-speaking province of Natal (now officially Kwazulu-Natal) sugar plantations became popular as the cane plant “grows like a weed and does not need any special attention, unlike most other agricultural crops”.

On the other hand, I would say that the liberal or communist Afrikaner has interiorised a sense of inferiority. That is because many of them have actually been to some extent anglicised, living and working in an English world, often associated with politics or the universities, where not subscribing to English stereotypes of Afrikaners would be detrimental to their careers. Frederik van Zyl Slabbert, the liberal politician, as well as author André Brink are two such people. Brink has even gone so far as to proclaim that “my people do not deserve to exist and should disappear”, thereby fully embracing Anglo-Saxon ideology. Bram Fischer, the communist leader who lived in Johannesburg, surrounded by mostly internationalist communists, is another case in point.

Regarding Orwell’s observations above, the lack of artistic talent among the English, especially out here in the colonies, is highly evident. Even people without any artistic training or talent, such as William Kentridge, to name but one, are eulogized as great artists by the English media. Wherever there is artistic endeavour in South Africa, there have always been Afrikaners. Even the Nobel prizewinner, Nadine Gordimer, was first introduced to writing and literature by an Afrikaner, Uys Krige.

This is the first cause of anglophone animosity towards Afrikaans and Afrikaners. One of the first things that the new English administration did after 1994, was to destroy all cultural institutions created by Afrikaners, such as the provincial arts councils, after which Afrikaans schools and universities were attacked. Recently, the minister of higher education and leader of the South African Communist Party, Blade Nzimande, announced that “there were no longer any Afrikaans universities”, by which he meant that the anglicisation process had been completed.

In many respects, white English people and blacks share a common rancour towards Afrikaners. “Why do you think you are so special, with your own culture?” they often ask. Having a culture and language of one’s own, a strong identity, is taboo and one should join the Borg. But underlying all of this is also envy and jealousy. There will never be another Voortrekker Monument in South Africa, or the Afrikaans Language Monument at Paarl. Until recently, ninety percent of all monuments in South Africa had been erected by Afrikaners! The efforts expended by Afrikaners in commemorating their history or in maintaining their language are seen as daunting, even intimidating. There is something “unnatural” or “fascistic” in wanting to construct one’s own culture and tradition when you could be out there on the golf course, or drinking in the pub and making jokes.

Recently, the English principal of the University of Pretoria decided to ban the study of European philosophy at that institution, ostensibly as it was suspected of leading to “racism”. Studying Kant, Descartes, Bergson, Nietzsche or Heidegger was not politically correct when one could peruse American feminism, multiculturalism, gender studies, black studies, as well as Anglo-American language philosophy. Not so long ago, a female member of staff with an interest in Nietzsche wrote an article critical of feminism on a website and she was immediately threatened with disciplinary action and eventually hounded out of the university. English “tolerance” has its limits! But the suspicion that in the dark corners of European thought, especially as read by Afrikaners, could lurk ideas challenging the Afro-Saxon and Anglo-Saxon hegemony in South Africa, led to this Soviet-style ban on Continental philosophy.

So the great European philosophers have been reduced to silence in South Africa, in our “becoming English”. But some of our English are even calling for the silence of the white race itself. A few years ago, an English professor of philosophy at Rhodes University, Samantha Vice (2010), caused a stir when she argued that whites or people of European descent should remain completely silent in relation to a black government. Even where that government engaged in corruption, mismanagement, cronyism, nepotism and abuse of power, we had “no moral right to criticise”. That must certainly be the height of English political correctness. Her essay was aptly entitled, “How Do I Live in This Strange Place?” What is even more odd, is that the title was derived from an Afrikaans song from an album by Bernoldus Niemand, but as Vice opines: “While I am not an Afrikaner and so have escaped the taint that identity brings with it, I am a white South African, undeniably a product of the Apartheid system and undeniably still benefiting from it.

While Vice wallows in her white guilt, aided by the American concept of “whiteness”, she cannot help but add as an aside that Afrikaner identity is “tainted”. But at least she refers to an Afrikaans song, just like many English people are irritated by the majestic sight of the Voortrekker Monument to the left of the highway as one enters Pretoria from Johannesburg. Some years ago, another would-be British movie critic and man-about-town, Barry Ronge, said that the Voortrekker Monument should be painted pink and turned into a gay disco, which expressed his particular appreciation for Afrikaans culture. He also repeated various anti-Afrikaans slurs such as “rock spider” and “rocks”, which led to complaints from no fewer than 26 Afrikaans organisations to the South African Broadcasting Complaints Commission (1999):

“Barry Ronge: ‘I have always looked at that old stupid monument to the past, called Voortrekkermonument and have decided that the only sensible thing to be done with is to paint it pink and turn it into an enormous gay disco at which they can have drug crazed raves. Now that would be exactly what it deserves. (instemmende gelag) They are not going to do that, BUT they’re going to make it rock. Now how the rocks (rocks =rock spiders, rock heads =neerhalende term vir Afrikaner, Boere) that built it will feel about it (lag van plesier) a rock concert being held at the Voortrekkermonument a du du … but the people that are doing that very thing are with me in the studio, Graham Scott who is the guy who came up with this idea and Claire Johnston who is going to be there Mango Grooving her way through the first ever rock concert at the Voortrekkermonument – amazing stuff, your wicked mind mister.’”

Needless to say, the Commission found Ronge’s comments to fall entirely within the ambit of free speech, whereas the opposite would have been the case if any Afrikaner had had to have insulted an English monument, let alone a black English one.

According to Orwell then, lack of artistic talent and suspicion towards ideology, or at least attempts to systematize one’s understanding of a culture or discipline, are two characteristics of the English. The third one, hypocrisy, or what he politely calls “the power of acting without taking thought”, we also have experience of. Whereas throughout our history, Afrikaners have mostly had to deal with blacks directly on farms or in the state administration, the Englishman has kept himself aloof, residing in all-white suburbs but at the same time fulminating about “racism”. This is a common complaint also levelled at liberal journalists and academics in the United States, that something like 96% of them live in majority-white neighbourhoods, send their children to majority-white schools, and so on. These same people will then intone endless jeremiads about “the lack of integration” and “rising inequality”. Most English people in the South African government, black or white, actually send their children to private schools, use private healthcare, apart from staying in the “formerly white suburbs”. It would be too much to expect of them that they should practise their anti-racism and move to Soweto or Diepsloot, places whose “vibrancy” and “warmth” they praise in articles and books.

Even on a personal level, one must be aware that English people rarely speak their minds and would falsely bring you under the impression that they agree with you. Only later would you find out that you have actually made a tremendous mistake and it was all a ruse. During the twentieth century, Afrikaners have not only suffered a devastating betrayal by their own leaders, but also by the entire Anglo-Saxon Empire. Here and there a figure like Ronald Reagan or Margaret Thatcher stands out, but for the most part it was one betrayal after the other, by the local and the overseas English. Many of our forebears had fought on the Allied side during the two world wars and in Korea, but eventually we were simply thrown to the dogs! That includes the patriotic English South Africans and Rhodesians. Ian Smith, the former leader of Rhodesia and an RAF fighter pilot who nearly died several times during World War II, suffered the same fate. It is simply mind-boggling that Anglo-Saxons can betray not only their friends but even their own people for the sake of currying favour with the likes of Robert Mugabe or the devious little East European communist, Joe Slovo, a former leader of the South African Communist Party.

There seems to be a fundamental duplicity at work in English thought and culture that is having devastating effects on the world. Some honest Americans feel the same way about their country and what it is doing to the planet. Paul Craig Roberts (2014)recently said the following about Washington:

“The fraud perpetuated on the world by the United States in the 21st century is extraordinary. Nothing comparable has ever been witnessed in history. Not only are there the frauds of the numerous wars (Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Iraq, Syria, Ukraine, almost Iran and Washington’s illegal military actions within the borders of Pakistan and Yemen), but also the vast financial frauds perpetuated on the world. Among the costs of Wall Street’s frauds are the European debt crisis, the infringements of national sovereignty of European countries by the IMF bailouts of sovereign debt, and the impoverishment of ‘rescued’ Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Ireland, along with Eastern Europe.”

Often have I wondered: Do the Anglo-Saxons have no principles? It is fine to quote Lord Palmerston, “England has no eternal friends, England has no perpetual enemies, England has only eternal and perpetual interests”, but did our local English and the wider Anglo-Saxon world really serve their interests in betraying South Africa, which will in the long run lead to Chinese domination in South Africa, as well as in the rest of Africa? Perhaps due to their hostility towards systematic thought, they “act without thinking” in a piecemeal fashion.

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Little America at the tip of Africa

In this interview, two South African authors have a conversation about important issues affecting the country, the USA and society generally. They both grew up in and around Johannesburg and, thanks to the internet, discovered each other’s work a few years ago. Ilana Mercer lives in Washington State, in the north-western corner of America.

ILANA MERCER: There’s an elephant in the courtroom in which Oscar Pistorius is being tried for the murder of girlfriend Reeva Steenkamp. It is the unidirectional, black-on-black and black-on-white violent crime in South Africa. The fear of being butchered was likely behind the blade runner’s irrational, irresponsible actions. I had hoped that Pistorius would speak up. For all his privilege, Pistorius knows the rapacity and invincibility of the criminal class in his country. Like every other Afrikaner, he knew in his gut what infiltrating gangs would do to a legless Boer. The world is praising the proceedings in that court. However, “making sport of a caged animal that has confessed” is how a South African reader described this courtroom Colosseum. What do you think?

DAN ROODT: I largely agree with that. One of the columnists on our Praag.org site described the trial as a “canned hunt and a legal travesty.” Most people watching it probably do not know that only 8 percent of murder cases in South Africa result in a conviction, so killers have a 92 percent chance of literally getting away with murder! South Africa is both the murder and especially the rape capital of the world. Usually the statistics are massaged in such a way that only murder proper, called “first-degree murder” in the United States, is included in the absolute number of murders. But if one also counts other homicides with a lesser culpability, we are the world champions, even above India’s 43,000 homicides. But, of course, India has over 1 billion people, whereas we have just over 50 million. Even for first-degree murder, we have more of those per year (16,000) than the U.S. (14,000), which has six times our population.

Regarding the court procedures, Pistorius is spending a lot of money on his legal team, and the state is using an experienced Afrikaner prosecutor, Gerrie Nel. However, there has been large-scale affirmative action applied to the appointment of judges, so that many of them lack the knowledge of the law and the experience to do their job properly. In many cases, black offenders, especially, get off very lightly and in practice do not serve more than 10 years for first-degree murder.

The government is also applying pressure on lawyers to apply affirmative action in their own ranks as most of the top-level senior lawyers, or advocates, as we call them, are still white. They are preferred by the big-spending corporate clients in civil cases, especially. A lawyer friend of mine recently told me of one tedious corporate court case in Pretoria that has lasted 10 years and consumed $5 million in legal fees, also swallowing up her whole life. Ironically, even the president, Jacob Zuma – who has had more than 500 charges of corruption against him and was also accused of rape in December 2005 – used white Afrikaner lawyers to get him off, using their technical knowledge of the law and court procedures.

There is also rampant corruption in the criminal justice system, with policemen and petty court officials being bribed to make documents and evidence disappear, so the kind of televised court-room soap opera of the Pistorius trial is not at all representative of the vicissitudes of the average trial.

Unlike in the U.S., South Africa does not collect crime statistics broken down by race anymore, but we know that the vast majority of prison inmates serving time for violent crime are black. White offenders – which include white-collar crimes like fraud or insider trading – only constitute 1.8 percent of the prison population, while whites make up under 10 percent of the total population. A recent reliable survey showed that whites are disproportionately victims of house robberies, constituting about 50 percent of the victims, while the perpetrators are almost invariably black.

The image of South African blacks disseminated by the global media is of a population of kindhearted, forgiving people like Mandela, whereas the reality demonstrates something entirely different. There is something inexplicably sadistic about murders and assaults by black perpetrators on their white victims in South Africa, which often include lengthy and dehumanizing torture sessions, mutilation of bodies, sexual violence, and so on. Often the victims are children, including toddlers and babies. Every week we read about farm murders in the press where the victims are normally elderly white farmers, regularly ambushed on a Sunday morning when they return from church attendance.

Order lIana Mercer’s brilliant polemical work, “Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa”

MERCER: The South African Constitution, naturally, sanctions the prosecution of individuals based on the things they say. Conversely, Americans are supposed to enjoy a constitutional right to speak freely. The freedom gap is, however, narrowing. The establishment – politicians, journalists, jurists, educators and academics; “conservatives” as much as liberals – trip over one another in a collectivist, concerted effort to ruin an “offender.” The latest individual to be crucified for committing America’s original sin – harboring impure racial thoughts – is Donald Sterling. You’ve written that, while “few people in the U.S. have had any direct experience of racism, they nevertheless discern racism in other people’s body language, in their use of euphemisms or in being patronized by others.” Explain how this “metaphysical racism” now works as an “engine of history.”

ROODT: Unfortunately, ever since the 1960s, South Africa has been influenced by America in a very bad way. Instead of looking to the U.S. for lessons in self-reliance, the right to self-defense, or how to finance start-up tech companies, we have simply imported your liberal, pathological political correctness. That includes the sensitivity around language and terms with a racial connotation. I cannot begin to tell you how many words there are in South Africa to describe people of various races including, of course, pejorative terms. I seem to recall that my generation was very sensitive to using some of those words, and there was a famous case in 1978 when the old government’s censors banned a satirical novel entitled “Magersfontein o Magersfontein!” for containing a piece of dialogue in which the word “kaffir” was used in an ironic way. This is our equivalent to what you call the “N-word” in the U.S. In print these days, most people here also refer to the “K-word,” as there is just such a taboo against using it. However, if you go to any school playground or university campus in South Africa, young whites are using it as a way of rebelling against the system. How long this will last, I do not know, because the government and mainstream, politically correct society are clamping down on it and even giving people suspended prison sentences for a first offense after being found guilty of using the “K-word.”

So in South Africa you can torture an elderly white lady and maybe get away with it, but you will be prosecuted for speech crime for using racial epithets. I would not be surprised if all telephone conversations will be monitored, NSA-style, at some point in the future to ensnare those who use so-called racist language.

When it comes to “metaphysical racism,” that is at a far more subtle level. Someone who first alerted me to this was the documentary filmmaker Craig Bodeker from Denver, Colorado, with his piece “A Conversation About Race.” Many people in the film say that “racism is everywhere,” surrounding us like sin or some invisible element. Also, in “A Conversation About Race,” I learned that some American blacks think that a compliment from a white could be a sign of racism. So either an insult or a compliment could be construed as racism.

In South Africa, some of the liberal commentators such as Steven Friedman who writes in the Johannesburg Business Day claim that blacks were damaged by apartheid and therefore cannot be expected to perform at the same level as whites. In the U.S., this claim is made about slavery, that the insidious effects of slavery are still present, which would explain the academic achievement gap, but also differences in wealth and income. Colonialism also comes into it, as far as other African countries are concerned. The fact that Africa has remained underdeveloped for so long is almost always blamed on colonialism, notwithstanding that it was colonialism that had introduced Africa to the wheel and to writing, not to forget science and technology!

Whereas about a decade ago, the British magazine The Economist had described Africa as “the hopeless continent,” it now sees Africa as a fast-growing continent, not very different from countries like China, Hong Kong or South Korea. Even Goldman Sachs thinks that Africa will soon be a developed continent competing on an even keel with Europe, North America or Asia.

The flipside of the new optimism about Africa, including South Africa, is that every failure or missed growth target is somehow backwardly rationalized in terms of racism, colonialism and apartheid. In short, “metaphysical racism.” So even when it comes to technology, the economy and education, there is always a cloud of racism somewhere that the developed world has to address by offering aid money or some form of expiatory confession from Western leaders.

I always wonder: If Africa is now standing on its own two feet and growing so fast, why do so many countries still need development aid? Why do South African blacks still need affirmative action, including racial quotas in sports?

ILANA MERCER: The dominant-party state that is South Africa is steeped not in an African creed but in an American one. One of your most astute observations has been that post-apartheid South Africa is very much a creature of the Anglosphere. In the U.S., centrally planned and enforced multiculturalism is twinned with open borders for Third World peoples. How has South Africa fallen in line?

DAN ROODT: Many people see South Africa as an experiment in multiculturalism and open borders. Almost robotically, we’ve adopted most of the American liberal precepts in a very naïve, knee-jerk fashion. Some people are even urging that we abolish borders completely, to allow any of the billion Africans north of our country to come and settle in South Africa, much like your government is doing vis-à-vis Central American dependents. However, our experience of the massive illegal immigration we have had since 1994 is that it increases intolerance, especially among the poor and the unemployed. Locals regularly kill foreigners, and we have had so-called xenophobic riots.

In some towns close to the border, the foreign population is about 80 percent. Foreigners have access to public health-care facilities, so many are “obstetrical tourists” who come here to have babies – “anchor babies,” as you call them in the U.S. Generally speaking, state hospitals are getting worse and worse, also as a result of being overburdened with foreign Africans.

Recently, there was a court decision that foreign children that have been orphaned or separated from their parents, for example in the war-torn Democratic Republic of the Congo, also qualify for free public education in South Africa. After Lawyers for Human Rights had sued for the privilege, the government did not oppose their petition to the court.

Open borders will lead to even more ethnic strife, and we may even import some of Africa’s civil wars as the belligerents pursue their combat in South Africa. In your country, it’s gang warfare.

MERCER: Under the Afrikaners, South Africa was a European-style nation-state – Christian and biracial, in the main. Under Mandela’s African National Congress, it has adopted multiculturalism, which subsumes an “American radicalism that aims at abolishing the nation-state and replacing it with a kind of global corporatism and welfarism,” to quote your work. South Africa is now an “Afro-Saxon” nation. Explain, please.

ROODT: Yes, I think those remarks of mine are borne out by what is happening in Europe right now. There is some kind of revival of the Western spirit going on in places like France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Italy, Austria and Hungary. It is something of a truism that Afrikaner nationalism in the 20th century was based on European-style ethnic nationalism. If you look at it more objectively and free of the moral hysteria and distorted accounts, apartheid or separate development was an attempt to impart European-style ethnic nationalism to South Africa’s African tribes. To some extent, it worked, and it still has an effect to this day. For example, there has been a resurgence of Zulu nationalism in South Africa, and to some extent the ANC under Jacob Zuma has become a vehicle for Zulu aspirations and advancement. With the difference that it is no longer limited to the old homeland of Kwazulu. The whole of South Africa has now become “one big Bantustan,” as the liberal commentator R.W. Johnson has characterized it.

But in other respects, South Africa has become a colony of the USA, culturally speaking. Blacks identify with African-American culture. You hear American rap music wafting from their cars, and they have adopted the same kind of victim’s discourse that you find in the USA. There is actually a Kenyan professor who teaches in the USA., as far as I know, Ali Mazrui, who coined the term, “Afro-Saxon” for the English-speaking blacks in Africa, the USA, the Caribbean, in Britain, and so on. In fact, they outnumber the original English-speaking population of England! The black elite in South Africa identifies with this global Afro-Saxon culture, and they see themselves as being an important part of it, using South Africa’s wealth and developed infrastructure to advance the Afro-Saxon cause.

Talking about the welfare state, one of the worst fears of the old apartheid theorists was that ultimately the productive, developed part of the economy would have to subsidize the unproductive, impoverished, undeveloped part, dragging both down into an equally distributed poverty. This is more or less what is happening in South Africa now as we have a welfare state for 50 million people, supported by only 2 million real taxpayers. The funny thing is that multiculturalism and affirmative action actually disguise this process completely, so that you can no longer really tell who the producers are and who the consumers of wealth are.

In the same way, knowledge and expertise also end up being distributed in such a way that you no longer know who really has it: Is it the person who does the job, or his secretary or assistant or deputy or whoever? The other day I heard that an ex-taxi driver was appointed to a top job in our central bank, but he is barely able to write an email and knows nothing about banking. Yet he has some outside white mentor or adviser who actually helps him do his job and is also his business associate. So everybody tries to exploit this made-in-America spoils system.

Unfortunately, the USA seems to be in imperial mode, and so it wants to export its multicultural model everywhere, including to Europe where there are still real nation-states in which people speak the same language, have a common history and identity and have not been transformed by immigration. You only have to come to South Africa to see the American model in its most extreme form, where race and political correctness dominate everything.

When it comes to issues of race and ethnicity, we have also imported the sensitivity around language and ideas that pertain in the USA. Once I actually quoted a black columnist complaining about the low scores in math recorded in black schools in Soweto. The next thing I was denounced as a racist. Even if you just try to defend your language and culture, or the right of free association, that is also seen as racist. Too much criticism of government corruption or affirmative action is likewise deemed racist.

Welcome to Little America at the tip of Africa.

PRAAG supports EFF call to scrap Die Stem

PRAAG, the Pro-Afrikaans Action Group, has come out in favour of the EFF plan to scrap the bits of Die Stem still sung as part of the South African national anthem.

“Although, like all Afrikaners, we love Die Stem,” said Dan Roodt, leader of PRAAG, “we have to face the fact that it represents a kind of patriotism and national identity that do not fit in with South Africa’s open-border, internationalist, pan-African policies.”

According to PRAAG, there is vast popular and institutional support for doing away with Die Stem, which is being astutely exploited by the Economic Freedom Fighters. “Just like the Business Day, the country’s main business newspaper, supports the confiscation of Afrikaner-owned farms, the English universities, media, and even religious bodies like the South African Council of Churches or the Jewish Board of Deputies would also support doing away with any Afrikaans or Afrikaner snippets still included in the national anthem. There is a rising tide of Boerehaat in South Africa, which it would be unwise to further exacerbate by insisting on any retention of Afrikaner elements within South Africa’s post-1994 British and pan-African identity.”

At the same time PRAAG supports the singing of Die Stem at Afrikaans art festivals, such as Innibos in Nelspruit where singer Steve Hofmeyr recently got 45 000 people to sing the 1928 anthem written by poet CJ Langenhoven, as well as other Afrikaner patriotic songs. “Steve did the right thing,” said Roodt. “We have to face the fact that mainstream South Africa has rejected our language, culture, literature and traditions and as a non-colonial people we would never force it upon others, unlike the British, French and other colonial powers. Let us sing Die Stem henceforth among ourselves, as a souvenir of our lost sovereignty and a song of hope for the future when sometime we will again be free of cultural, linguistic, political and military domination.”

Roodt also rejected neo-marxist criticism of Hofmeyr’s act in Nelspruit, with left-wing radicals characterising it as “fascist” and “authoritarian”. “These days in our country, everything is ‘fascist’,” Roodt said. “The family, heterosexuality, spelling correctly, giving marks for a maths test, rugby, aesthetic standards, stopping immigrants at the border, are all derided as manifestations of right-wing extremism. The EFF does not wear red overalls for nothing. In fact, Julius Malema is the spiritual and intellectual leader of the South African revolution and we predict that the universities will soon fall over themselves to award him honorary doctorates in political science, economics and philosophy.”

“Let us not stand in the way of transformation and revolution,” Roodt concluded. “But at the same time, let us uphold our quaint habits, such as good Afrikaans spelling, giving marks for maths tests in our schools and singing Die Stem.”

Massive cyber attack over past few days on PRAAG websites

praagorg_logoOver the past few days, starting on Tuesday morning, a massive cyber attack involving potentially tens of thousands of computers in a so-called Distributed Denial of Service (DDOS) Attack was executed against websites and servers of PRAAG. The object of the attack was to bankrupt PRAAG and its service provider through the consumption of bandwidth and damage to network infrastructure.

At times the DDOS attack brought down the PRAAG servers but currently both the Afrikaans site at praag.co.za and the English one at praag.org are online.

Dr. Dan Roodt, Director of the Pro-Afrikaans Action Group (PRAAG) a community news service and cultural organisation, said in a statement: “We are absolutely astonished at the level of cyber activity currently directed against us, by extremist anti-Afrikaans groups in South Africa. There are also several Facebook pages run by people under assumed identities who wish to shut us down, ostensibly because we support anti-crime protests and multilingualism in South Africa.”

The cyber attack caused considerable damage not only to PRAAG, but also to its service providers and their networks, creating criminal liability under SA legislation. In addition, there are grounds for a civil suit if the perpetrators could be located.

“We are going to lay charges with the SAPS under the Electronic Communications and Transactions (ECT) Act 25 of 2002 for the DDOS attack against us, but also against those anonymous individuals slandering us on Facebook, social media, and in relation to potential advertisers on our site, said Roodt.

“We are not going to take these attacks lying down,” Roodt continued. “Our readers and supporters are right behind us and hundreds have presented themselves as volunteers to counter these attempts at muzzling us. However, we will not be using the distasteful and underhanded techniques of our opponents but will be defending ourselves in an open, transparent and legal manner.”

Open letter to Dan Roodt

Leadership

by Brian Faul

First off I am writing this mail in English in order for the message to be available to everyone. I am deeply concerned as to what is presently taking place in South Africa.

I am a white Afrikaans-speaking male in my 40’s. For all intents and purposes, this makes me enemy number one for those currently ruling South Africa.

I am a highly qualified professional in my field of expertise with many years’ experience. Among the problems I currently face is the total onslaught against people with similar profiles to mine. For the sake of correcting issues of twenty and more years ago, I am now after all this time being victimized to the extent of total poverty.

I have a forced financial commitment toward the state regarding rates and taxes. I am also taxed on the little revenue I generate on the side and I pay tax in the form of fuel levies and VAT every time I go to the shop. In return for this I get zero back from government. I am not allowed to parcipate in the formal job sector because I am not black enough..

A number of years ago I was destroyed financially by an unfair land claim that was eventually thrown out to my knowledge. During this time my business went insolvent as we were unable to operate on the property during the course of this bogus land claim.

As a result 15 people – all African – lost their jobs and the means to feed and house their families on the property and were put on the streets as a result. This, after living and working on the property with me for 16 years.

It later came to light that a very high-ranking police official who was later found guilty of fraud charges and corruption was behind the entire bogus claim. This is only one claim; there were many in surrounding areas that had exactly the same outcome: unemployment and poverty for hundreds of families.

Currently South Africa is living within a bubble.This bubble is bound to burst as more and more corruption comes to light and unemployment increases due to restrictive labour legislation being implemented. The problem by and large is that the people who are supposed to benefit most from this are standing to lose the most in the end.

I want to reiterate that this is not just an Afrikaner problem but a national problem for any white, coloured and Indian person in South Africa.

It is time for people to unite in thought and action before it is too late. There is still a small window open in this regard and this relates to the upcoming elections. It will in fact be the last chance for any white, Indian or coloured person to make a difference. After this election has passed and there is no significant opposition, the writing will be on the wall for all South Africans, including African people who are going to suffer the most, as in Zimbabwe. There will be no new dawn in South Africa, only poverty and strife leading to civil unrest and economic chaos.

The current government is essentialy anti-South African as it is embracing people from all over the world such as the Chinese who hold their allegiance to China and not to South Africa. Their interest is to take whatever they can back to build their own country, using our resources. In the long run millions of Chinese may settle in South Africa claiming our resources and living off our welfare system that is already overburdened and in a shambles as it is. It is known that the Chinese make the worst slave masters in the world.

Time is running out for creating an alternative. In this regard a formidable opposition is not yet available that will hear the concerns of the people. As far as I am concerned, Helen Zille and the Democratic Alliance have sold us out, following upon recent events. They have clearly unmasked their long-term intentions and they are not going to be acting in the interest of the minority voters.

In general South African people are hospitable, hardworking and honest, seeking a better life. By and large people of all races are not out to deliberately cause harm and conflict with each other. There is a very bad criminal element at present that is committing the most horrific crimes and gving a political slant to their actions. These crimes are often committed by people born after the democratic dispensation of 1994. They are often uneducated individuals that have been swept up by the words of a man such as Julius Malema that is forging ahead with a revolution based on self-enrichment and hatred because he was born black.

If one views what is taking place in South Africa at the moment a lot of it can be traced back to revolutionary tactics put in place by the ANC and Communist Party during their so-called struggle phase, including cadre deployment. It is as if no-one has given them the instruction to stop using these tactics as the struggle ended 20 years ago.

The cadre deployment tactics is what is currently driving economic collapse in many sectors including the most important: that of the future generation’s education.

The solution to this and many other issues is not a simple process and should be well thought through while we still have some time and this leads me to the following question.

Dan Roodt, will you be willing to lead us? I can only speak for myself and my family, yet I am sure that thousands of people in similar circumstances would ask you the same question.

The fact is, we the Afrikaans and English white people, as well as the coloured and Indian people, do not have leadership or rather coherent leadership at the moment. We are floating in a sea of doubt and despair, seeing civil strife ahead. This question is asked by people that have noticed your leadership skills. People that are willing to trust you and give you the support necessary to obtain this objective.

Those that do not arrach value to this letter, let them simply skip it and move on. This is a question raised by your followers and not by your enemies.

I believe you have been a victim of an onslaught by certain individuals to undermine your financial and moral support base.To those people I say: go to hell.

I have been made to understand that there is obviously a financial implication for yourself to enter the political domain. I believe the white people holding the same values as myself who are currently at the receiving end of this onslaught will commit financially to a few rand here and there. If people can donate cash to a host of causes without a direct impact on their future surely they will commit a few rand to this critical issue?

Perhaps you can set up a fund in this regard and outline the cost factor as I don’t believe people are actually aware that there are large amounts of funds needed for a venture such as this.

Time is of the essence so the sooner people are made aware and there is a manifesto in place the sooner people can act and commit to this.

Dr Dan Roodt, I urge you to consider this option and to at least put it out there for the general public and your support base to see.

Kind regards,

Brian Faul

16 June: Your race-riot triumph is my Orwellian nightmare

Today is 16 June, a public holiday (vacation to our American friends) commemorating the race riots of 1976 in Soweto. Every year I dread the arrival of 16 June, incongruously called “Youth Day”, because it represents the acme of the anti-white propaganda calendar in South Africa.

roodt_dan4Even the country’s biggest beer company, SAB Miller, participates in the onslaught, with an “artistic” rendition of the dead Hector Pieterson’s famous photo which you can see lower down here. I will save you the real photo, either because you have seen it many times already, or because we are all aware of how images are debased through constant repetition. You needn’t have read any of the theories of Walter Benjamin or Jean Baudrillard about the loss of authenticity or receding reality to understand that.

US First Lady Michelle Obama visits Hector Pieterson Memorial, 22 June 2011.
US First Lady Michelle Obama visits Hector Pieterson Memorial, 22 June 2011

To South African leftists, black nationalists, radical theologians and persons of that ilk, Hector Pieterson or his image represents common currency. There is even now a Hector Pieterson Memorial which is touted to tourists. It has already been visited by Michelle Obama and will soon be inspected by her husband, Barack, whose first visit to South Africa is imminent. It seems that Chinese tourists go to the Voortrekker Monument while American tourists prefer the Hector Pieterson Memorial. Probably, it speaks to them of their own race riots, as well as the interminable arguments around them and how whites are always, in the final analysis, to blame for black violence and mayhem.

Now get this: Hector Pieterson was shot by a black policeman., not a white one. To the crazed, left-wing propagandists on their crusade against the last vestiges of white or Western civilization, the race of the policeman is immaterial. It suffices that the previous white South African government “made him pull the trigger”, like whites always “make blacks do things” or by some intricate racial dialectic cause them to commit crime, not to do well at school or undermine their value system so they end up taking bribes in positions of authority. According to eyewitness reports, Hector Pieterson, who was supposed to be at school that day but sauntered along to see some of the protest action, simply “wandered into the line of fire” between a large crowd of stone-throwing youths and a small group of policemen defending themselves after the mob had not responded to earlier warning shots fired over their heads.

South African Breweries (SAB Miller) has just published this version of the Hector Pieterson image, as a "positive" message to the multiracial youth of South Africa.
South African Breweries (SAB Miller) has just published this version of the Hector Pieterson image, as a “positive” message to the multiracial youth of South Africa (Click to enlarge)

The photograph in question was taken by one Sam Nzima who worked for a black newspaper called The World at the time. It shows Hector Pieterson being carried by Mbuyisa Makhubo after being hit by a stray bullet not intended for him. The shooter being black, you could call it “friendly fire” or black-on-black violence. Hector’s sister, Antoinette Sithole, runs beside them and is obviously distressed. Here is the beer commercial version of the photograph which puts an entirely new “spin” on it, as being a message addressed to the multiracial youth of South Africa. Note also that Hector Pieterson has suddenly become white in SAB Miller’s “reworking” of Sam Nzima’s image.

SAB Miller became the second biggest beer company in the world as a result of two things:

  1. The thirst of black South Africans for its products.
  2. The fact that apartheid or white rule in the country placed enough buying power in the hands of blacks to afford so-called “clear beer”, as opposed to the African or “Bantu beer” traditionally consumed by blacks.

Not so long ago, I read someone’s Ph.D. thesis on the role of advertising in post-1994 South Africa and SAB, having the biggest “ad spend” in the country, also did the most “to shape our new identity”.

Until I saw SA Breweries’ appropriation of the Sam Nzima photograph, I had not been aware of how intimately the beer company had been involved in the whole Hector Pieterson cult! Apparently there exists a “shebeen route”, the Soweto equivalent of the Cape wine route, whereby one may visit “The world of beer”, showing a traditional (and in those days, illegal) black tavern or “shebeen”, and then move onto the Hector Pieterson Memorial and Winnie Mandela’s garage museum. After reading Rian Malan’s article in the latest Noseweek, one could safely say that Winnie Mandela has so many skeletons in her cupboard that she needs a garage to put them in. Unfortunately, the article is not available online, but perhaps someone needs to scan and OCR it to make a bootleg or “shebeen copy” available to enlighten the public on the real Winnie Mandela. Nelson Mandela’s wife (they have since been divorced) had 14-year old Stompie Moeketsi murdered but was protected by both the ANC and the dying National Party government from prosecution. Why? Because she was famous. And black, no doubt.

But let’s not digress and keep to our main topic, which is the 1976 race riot, flatteringly referred to by journalists and academics as an “uprising”. An article in the New Age newspaper, written by Zwelinzima L Sizani, an ANC official, is subtitled: “How we lost our fear of the regime in the days leading to June 16 1976 and the events that changed history.” Like SA Breweries, Sizani is also busy appropriating the riot for his party which played a very marginal, if any, role at the time.

Within the mythology of the New South Africa – why our country’s name has not been changed during all the other name changes I do not know – the Soweto riots were the “turning point”. On 16 June blacks “rose up against the white regime” which was “forcing Afrikaans down the throats of black schoolchildren”. In response – or so we are told – the rioters went on the rampage, killed a Jewish doctor caring for their sick, looted some beer halls and burned down government buildings, including some of their own schools.

‘The recent slogan of “Kill a Boer, kill a farmer” represents a prolongation of the Jew-killing, school-burning mentality of 37 years ago.’

I know that in South Africa there exists a certain inversion of values, at least among our ubiquitous leftist commentators and historians. They consider terrorism, which is decried elsewhere in the world, as the apotheosis of virtue. Every time Afrikaans street names are changed, they ransack the lists of past terrorists and killers of civilians for “heroes” to name streets in Pretoria after, such as Solomon Mahlangu. Within this mindset it is perhaps understandable that killing a philanthropic Jew, Dr. Melville Edelstein, and burning schools are considered exemplary acts which we should celebrate every year on a national holiday. With SAB Miller and other big companies tossing in some ad spend to keep the propaganda going.

The recent slogan of “Kill a Boer, kill a farmer” represents a prolongation of the Jew-killing, school-burning mentality of 37 years ago. If the Gauteng education department under Mrs. Barbara Creecy could burn down a few schools, especially Afrikaans schools, they would consider it a great contribution to this country’s intellectual development. No functional school must be left alone, is the revamped version of the slogan of yore: “Liberation before education.”

The Soweto riots of 1976 are used retroactively to justify the extremist racism and chauvinism meted out to Afrikaners today. In 1976, only a small minority of blacks and white English leftists were anti-Afrikaans. Thanks to the constant stream of ethnic hatred and propaganda, a real hatred against Afrikaans exists at present, fuelling farm murders and ethnic attacks.

The notion that anybody in the history of South Africa – or Azania as the Left calls it – has ever been forced to learn Afrikaans or learn in Afrikaans is so preposterous, it is almost laughable. Yet it suits a lot of people to repeat this fallacy mindlessly every year, including the adherents to the creed that Azania is really a British colony that should speak English only. The multiculturalist, anti-Western British Council probably loves it. For 200 years Afrikaans has survived against all odds, being suppressed under the British Empire and now under its successor, the Bantu Empire.

The denial of language rights to Afrikaners is even more pervasive in the twenty-first century than in the nineteenth in the Cape Colony. English has always been “rammed down our throats”, together with the sickening propaganda that our children are forced to learn for exams at school. It includes history, which means ANC history and the biography of Nelson Mendala, and an idiotic subject called “Life Orientation”. Given the preponderance of English in business and in the media, Afrikaans has never been the dominant language in South Africa. Yet in the Life Orientation handbook at school it is stated: “Under apartheid Afrikaans was the dominant language in South Africa.” I suppose we wrote more books than anybody else in this country, which must have been a crime.

One of those prolific Afrikaans writers is Jaap Steyn, a retired professor of linguistics and one of the greatest minds to come out of South Africa. He wrote a 500–page tome on Afrikaans entitled Tuiste in eie taal (At home in one’s own language). The section on the Soweto riots contains some interesting facts:

  • In only one of the seven Soweto schools protesting against Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in 1976 was the language used as such, and then only in one subject, History;
  • the English Academy of South Africa was waging a major campaign in black schools to get them to use English, whereas there was no such campaign by any Afrikaans organisation;
  • unlike a small coterie of white English leftists in Cape Town, Johannesburg and Durban, blacks did not hate Afrikaans. During a competition for school choirs in Soweto, twelve of the sixteen choirs in the senior division sang in Afrikaans and only four in English.

According to Steyn, the economic damage of the riots included the following:

  • More than 100 buildings of the West Rand Bantu Administration Council were damaged or destroyed;
  • 250 liquor stores and beer halls were looted or destroyed;
  • 170 shops were looted or destroyed;
  • 25 health clinics were burnt down;
  • 8 banks were destroyed;
  • a number of libraries, post offices, hotels, churches, community halls, magistrate’s courts and gas stations were burnt down;
  • several 100 vehicles were burnt and up to a third of the 926 buses belonging to the Public Utility Transport Corporation (Putco) were attacked.

While liberals and leftists consider such acts of arson and wanton destruction as “heroic”, the question has to be asked: Why? After all, the ANC government announced only recently that from next year all children in the country will have to learn an African language at school, including white children. No predominantly white and Afrikaans school is preparing to riot and their teachers are not encouraging them to do so.

On 27 June 1976 the editor of the Zulu newspaper, Ilanga, Obed Kunene, wrote in the Sunday Tribune: “Blacks do not destroy facilities… They destroy symbols of the entire system devised by Whites for them… When riots come… all the institutions and services that bear the stamp of White authority become prime targets…”

By the same token, Afrikaners should now be burning every government building in sight, as the reverse holds true: Thanks to their demographic superiority, blacks enjoy political power over us at all levels and decide what is good for us, including what our children should learn at school and in what language they may study at university.

But seeing the Soweto riots as a merely black-white affair, as did the editor of Ilanga in 1976, is simplistic. For long periods white and black have been able to coexist more or less peacefully, but separately, in South Africa. Whenever there was outside interference or incitement of blacks, mayhem broke loose. A deeper analysis of the Soweto riots would reveal the role played by the British Churches such as the Anglican Church and by the so-called Christian Institute, funded by the German churches. They organised and encouraged the Soweto pupils, many of whom were in their twenties as blacks in those days started school at a higher age than whites, to protest and oppose even the study of Afrikaans literature.

'Affirmative shopping' as theft is euphemistically called in South Africa, takes places openly in a supermarket in Sasolburg
‘Affirmative shopping’ as theft is euphemistically called in South Africa, takes place openly in a supermarket in Sasolburg

The problem with the riot-as-revolt theory is that since the advent of black rule in South Africa, we have had as many, if not more, riots than ever before! When someone had stolen cables along the railroad tracks, making trains late, the historic Pretoria statioin was set alight by blacks. Other trains were burnt out too. Not a day goes by when one does not read about “service delivery protests”. Tyres are burnt and vehicles stoned, similarly to the riots of 1976. Blacks seem to be revolting against their own government and municipalities,  which they themselves had voted in. They also burn the same “symbols of oppression” as before: councillors’ homes, community centres, municipal offices, libraries, cars and still loot shops and liquor stores. In January this year, black South Africans exercised their right to loot in Sasolburg, south of Johannesburg and pictures again show burnt-out vechicles and a liquor store being ransacked.

In the United States too, race riots have been a feature of that country’s political life. When the four policemen who had assaulted Rodney King were acquitted in 1992, the Los Angeles riots ensued. During those riots, 53 people were killed and more than 2000 injured. In Britain, France, Sweden and elsewhere, burning and looting have become a way for their immigrant communities to express themselvesA recent modish term in South Africa has been the “grammar of blackness” on which I commented a few days ago in White guilt, Coloured faith. Perhaps riots are the grammar of blackness, as they often seem incomprehensible to the white mind. Winnie Mandela famously said: “With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country”, the “necklace” being placing a petrol-filled tyre around the victim’s neck and igniting it.

The point to understand is that the burning has never stopped and “liberation” continues to this day.

In the Johannesburg Sunday Times I discovered the following amazing pronouncement this week, on the subject of a name change for Pretoria, our capital: “What we should accept is that victors always rewrite history and ensure their dominance is not only felt but seen.”

I may be alone in this, but I refuse to accept that because we have been conquered by propaganda, we should perpetuate the disinformation ourselves. None of the leftist fairy tale of South African history, including the Soweto riots, will stand up to closer scrutiny. There is no continuous “march to freedom” performed by South African blacks. Between the Rivonia trial where Mandela and his comrades were jailed and the Soweto riots, we discern a discontinuity or “epistemological break”. The Soweto riots must be seen as a more or less isolated event.

Neither is there continuity between the riots and the National Party’s ultimate capitulation and absorption by the ANC. FW de Klerk and Roelf Meyer betrayed their own electorate and supporters in all but surrendering to the ANC. Perhaps they were bribed or influenced by foreign powers, but they took that decision by themselves and for peculiarly idiosyncratic and personal reasons.

Like schoolchildren are fond of saying: “It’s random!” There is nothing in South Africa’s past that made the present nightmare a necessity. The Soweto riots could have been triggered by some other event that may have had nothing to do with Afrikaans at all. Like a Rodney King or soccer violence or the presence of foreign Africans in Soweto. Currently, we are seeing a lot of looting and killing around so-called xenophobia. The shops of Somali traders in black areas are regularly attacked, looted and their proprietors assaulted or murdered. So “liberation” continues.

Michelle Obama has already reaffirmed the myth of Soweto by visiting the Hector Pieterson memorial and no doubt her husband Barack will do the same during his coming visit to South Africa. He has already booked a visit to Mandela’s prison cell on Robben island, off Cape Town.

As in the dystopian novels of George Orwell, we are living through a powerful artificial consciousness, a pseudo-reality fabricated by the mass media, academia and the advertising industry. In this story the rioters are the heroes and Dr. Melville Edelstein or the Afrikaner education officials of Soweto are the villains

It constitutes rule by propaganda, domination by (dis)information. We have seen how Tony Blair lied to the world about weapons of mass destruction in Irak. The truth is what you can get away with. Or as it is bluntly put by the Sunday Times:

“What we should accept is that victors always rewrite history and ensure their dominance is not only felt but seen.”

I wonder what Orwell would have thought about that axiom.

 

 

Mandela death parties? No, but I’ll feel safe in the Wimpy

by Dan Roodt

When Margaret Thatcher died, British leftists and her Labour Party enemies threw “death parties” in a distasteful display of Schadenfreude. Whether Mandela will die today or live to be a hundred is irrelevant to my argument, as the idea of his death has already provoked a number of reactions, including a tweet from BNP leader Nick Griffin:

“Saint on last legs it seems. Make sure to avoid BBC when the murdering old terrorist croaks. It’ll be nauseating.”

Griffin’s tweet caused outrage in British newspapers and on Twitter itself. It is not entirely in good taste, but by the standards set by Thatcher’s detractors with their “death parties” it seems to be in keeping with the Zeitgeist.

For a moment I wondered whether we, the victims of Mandela’s movement, should start organising death parties, in case he does “exchange the temporal for the eternal” as the Afrikaans saying goes. I suppose we could all come dressed in camo with plastic AK-47s.

Americans use the term “disconnect” when they mean “disparity”. It’s not really part of my vocabulary but it sounds right when I say there is a disconnect between the global image of “Saint Nelson Mandela” and the man. Here we have someone who wandered onto the world stage by mistake, almost like an extra, and got applauded for being the hero.

Worse, Mandela is one of the last dinosaurs of a bygone, socialist-revolutionary age. In the early 1960s when he engaged in a botched attempt at revolution, Fidel Castro, Mao Tse Tung and their African imitators were still seen as heroes. In May 1968, the rioting French students in Paris had heard of Mao but not Mandela, yet they could just as well have put his face on a few posters. In the 1980s when I lived in Paris the French Communist Party had a monopoly on the Free Mandela slogan in France, as if they had bought the franchise from the bunch of death-party-celebrating Labour and Anglican fanatics in London.

The Church of England must be the first church in history that had engaged in money laundering to further urban terrorism in South Africa. The radical cleric, Canon Collins, oversaw the whole operation from a back office at St. Paul’s Cathedral. If only the B.I.S. in Basle had been more proactive in curtailing money laundering, they could have spared the lives of many civilians who died in ANC terrorist incidents in South Africa.

Unlike Mao, who wrote some nice poetry and became famous for his Little Red Book of revolutionary maxims, I strongly suspect that Mandela never wrote anything. He was surrounded by a bunch of white or Indian communist advisers and handlers who wrote his speeches and who more or less told him what to do. His speech from the dock at the Rivonia trial was “edited” by author Nadine Gordimer and journalist Anthony Sampson. Gordimer also “edited” his voluminous autobiography, Long walk to freedom.

Nowadays the school history books in South Africa contain naked propaganda, just like in any erstwhile East-European totalitarian state. Our children studying those books for exams are led to believe that Mandela was imprisoned for his “opposition to apartheid”, whatever that might mean.

In reality, he had already engaged in a campaign of sabotage and terror, but was found out in time by the South African police. In a post 9/11 world, and if Mandela had planned anything against the USA, he would simply have been eliminated by American special forces like Osama Bin Laden, with Hillary Clinton cackling some Caesarian paraphrase.

Like all terrorists, Mandela had embraced the dubious moral principle of “the end justifies the means”. Even after his first failed attempt for which he had been jailed for life in SA after a fair trial, prosecuted not by an Afrikaner but by a South African jew, Percy Yutar, Mandela must have ordered or acquiesced in the terror campaign masterminded by the devious Joe Slovo from London.

If ever Saint Mandela sailed on a cloud to heaven as his global leftist and liberal admirers foresee, he could announce at the pearly gates: “My organisation never had an army worth mentioning, but we did place bombs in restaurants.” The infamous Wimpy bombing campaign of the 1980s killed and maimed a large number of civilians all over the country. But the ANC’s biggest “success” if one could call it that, was the so-called Church Street Bomb in Pretoria that exploded on 20 May 1983, killing 19 civilians and injuring more than 200,

The ANC’s terror campaign in the 1980s was no different to that waged by other extremist organisations all over the world. If Mandela had given the go-ahead for the Boston Marathon bombing on 15 April this year, would his reputation as “a man of peace” have been affected at all?

I daresay the world would have looked upon him somewhat differently if that had been the case. Why then is Mandela revered for having been a member of an extremist, crypto-communist “liberation movement” that bombed innocent people in the street, in Wimpy fast-food restaurants and that placed limpet mines on farm roads, killing not only white farmers but also their black workers?

Even if Mandela’s bloodthirsty teleology could have been justified by the end goal of “democracy” (belatedly replacing a communist class revolution in the early 1990s), it would still have been a vicious way of pursuing power. However, South Africa today is hardly a democracy. At best it is a violent, corrupt and crime-ridden oligarchy run by Mandela’s ex-terrorists.

Mandela’s legacy of terror against rural people, perhaps inspired by some Maoist creed, lives on today in the form of farm murders whereby our farmers are regularly attacked, tortured and killed in the cruelest ways imaginable. A local TV documentary on farm murders was appositely entitled “A bloody harvest”.

The mainstream media world-wide, particularly the BBC, may have cynically elevated Mandela to the holy status he has today, but the bloody harvest we are living through is as much his as the rest of the ANC with its shadowy characters who have successfully converted from perpetrators of random violence to looters of the public purse.

It is an intriguing question whether, for liberal journalists in the MSM, terror in the name of Islamic jihad may not be acceptable but in furthering black power it is. One type of terrorist bows to Mecca but the other thrusts his fist into the air shouting “amandla!” (power!”; therein lies all the difference, it seems.

Mandela and his cohort of self-styled revolutionaries have destabilised South Africa and we may be doomed to experience nihilistic violence forever in the form of bands of criminals or ethnic killers attacking us at random.

South Africa has a so-called model constitution. I do not care much for the constitution, for the ANC never respected the Geneva convention when it visited terror upon us. It seems as if their nameless war continues to this day, still without respecting the rules of civilised warfare. Of what use is the constitution if there is no real peace, no real safety?

Lately I have spent some time in Wimpy bars here in Johannesburg where they offer free wifi. They have been revamped, but still contain that 1960s American “diner” look that makes you think of Andy Warhol or Roy Lichtenstein.

Inside the Wimpy they have a large letter W in a corner sometimes, an upside down M. As in Mandela. It is comforting that the ubiquitous South African Wimpy bar will outlive Mandela, the smiling old terrorist. Only when his entire generation of crazed extremists will have died out, may we make some political progress in South Africa.

No-one can feel secure in this country. There is menace everywhere. But somehow when Mandela dies I will feel a little bit safer typing an email in the Wimpy.

South Africa needs federalism

There are two recent events clearly demonstrating that the South African constitution does not work to govern a highly complex, multiethnic and even multinational society.

The first is the recent hullabaloo over the Afrikaner community of Kleinfontein, east of Pretoria, and the second is the consistent hostility towards Afrikaans-only schools displayed by the Gauteng education department.

What threat do the thousand Christian Afrikaners living peacefully in Kleinfontein pose to the City of Tshwane, which has a land area the size of Luxembourg and millions of inhabitants?

Kleinfontein is no different to any other gated community in the country, except that it is not built in a pseudo-Tuscan style, does not sport some nonsensical Mediterranean name and signs are not posted in English.

It resembles the German concept of a Sprachinsel, or ” language island”, meant to conserve the beleaguered Afrikaans language.

The people of Kleinfontein do not aspire to exoticism; they have simply dared to be themselves. They live together in a self-sufficient community, like thousands of other communities in rural parts of South Africa.

In fact, the president lives in just such a Zulu community at Nkandla, enjoying his own language and culture. Why is it acceptable to be Zulu or pseudo-Italian, but not Afrikaans?

While the ruling party, the African National Congress, wants dialogue with Kleinfontein, the English, assimilationist Democratic Alliance has displayed great hostility to the community in its own affirmation of democratic centralism.

Even the former Soviet Union did not practic e the same level of statist interference in education as the Gauteng education department under MEC Barbara Creecy does, bullying a school such as Fochville Hoërskool into accepting English children who are deliberately bussed in.

Fochville is the only Afrikaans high school in a vast area and Anglicising it by fiat constitutes a form of ethnic belligerence that boggles the mind.

The department’s ill-disguised language chauvinism is camouflaged by predictable accusations of racism levelled at the school, which already has happy black pupils enjoying quality education in Afrikaans.

We desperately need a federal or confederal system to end the abuse of power characterising this Leninist “democracy” at all levels.

Do South African whites really ‘have it so good’?

by Dan Roodt

In today’s City Press newspaper, Frans Cronjé of the South African Institute of Race Relations claim that whites live in some kind of paradise.

He cites statistics claiming the following:

“Between 1994 and 2012, the rate of unemployment among white people increased from 3% to 5.7%…

The white unemployment rate was low, even when compared to a host of international benchmarks. In the US, for example, the rate in 2012 was 7.6%, in Britain 7.9% and in Canada 7.2%.”

Apparently praising South African white entrepreneurship, he goes on to say that “while a black university graduate is more likely than a white graduate to find a job within 12 months of graduation (due to strict affirmative-action laws-DR), white graduates are four times more likely to start and operate businesses”.

I would treat these statistics about low white unemployment with a great deal of caution. Many whites are not on the unemployment statistics as they do not claim benefits from the government. Driving around many white areas, you notice their old, decrepit cars, lack of maintenance to their properties and other signs of economic distress.

Go to any five-star hotel now and you will find blacks sitting around in designer clothes. The only whites there are foreign tourists. Most cars costing R1 million (about $100 000) and more that I see every day in Johannesburg are owned by blacks, not whites. Blacks get all the lucrative corporate directorships and make easy money as “tenderpreneurs” to the state and municipalities.

I know of thousands of whites who literally had to leave the country to find jobs, in the Middle and Far East where they do dismal work as part-time English teachers or pack groceries in Australian supermarkets.

Many small businesses started by whites have failed, not least because of the racial laws and regulations imposed by government and the corporate sector. The corporate sector – banks and large companies – are now arguably more anti-white than government. They do not trade with white-owned businesses and generally sue or harass small businesses at the drop of a hat. Many whites have lost their homes which the banks require them to pledge as collateral for a simple overdraft for their small businesses.

More whites now live in so-called “informal housing” than at any time since the Great Depression. Solidarity estimates that up to 800 000 whites – educated, literate and previously taxpayers – now live in squatter camps and other “informal areas” such as this one:

Poor South African whites living in cabins normally used as garden sheds
Poor South African whites living in cabins normally used as garden sheds

We are witnessing the greatest social-engineering programme whereby one race is economically subjugated to another that this country and perhaps the world has ever seen.

The very notion that whites could be “liberated” by such an unfair and racist system is so fundamentally cynical that it has an Orwellian ring to it. But that is why the mainstream media no longer has any credibility among middle-class whites.

The South African media are loyal to foreign and corporate interests who see South African whites as an unwanted presence in the country, preventing them from bribing their way into looting most of the remaining assets in South Africa. That is why the SA mass media are constantly attacking whites, accusing them of racism, “apartheid privilege”, and the like. White males even get blamed for the intense crime and lawlessness in the country! Every white person knows that 99% of the violence is committed by other races, yet we are blamed for everything. If all else fails, there is always ever-increasing “the legacy of apartheid” to blame.

What I find amazing is that Frans Cronjé published two contradictory articles today, one in Rapport and this one in City Press. The one in Rapport, written in Afrikaans and therefore intended for a mainly white audience, shows how 500 000 middle-class taxpayers essentially contribute 50% of all personal taxes in South Africa. White readers of that article would be understandably outraged that, while still contributing a large share of the country’s taxes, they are treated as second-class citizens.

English in South Africa is increasingly the language of blacks and the internationalist whites who are hostile to Afrikaners and the white middle class, for reasons explained in the paragraph above, namely that their ownership of land and role in the judiciary and the accounting profession prevents the wholesale looting of our country. Even though looting is already taking place, there is still some semblance of legality left. Clearly, this has to go.

This article in English about whites is therefore intended for a black and foreign audience, to convince them that South African whites “have never had it so good”. Understandably the very real hostility felt for those dastardly Nazis and perpetrators of a “crime against humanity” will only rise upon reading this article. It will undermine any inchoate sympathy whites enjoy with their less brainwashed brethren in the West and Europe.

The most absurd sentence of all is the following: “(Whites) were liberated, first, from the guilt and pariah status that had been attached to their support and enforcement of apartheid.”

On the contrary, South African whites are now more hated and stigmatised than ever! Over the past twenty years the SABC and the mainstream media have played their quasi-communist propaganda about white evil and viciousness over and over in South Africa. Most of the time this propaganda is literally the work of unreconstructed communists who occupy powerful positions in South Africa, being the “white face” of the ANC government, the SABC and other state agencies. The British media, including the BBC, see us whites as free game now that we are utterly without any political power and lack any form of state support. More
unfair and one-sided news stories have been published and broadcast about us since 1994 than ever before, barring perhaps the 1890s when the Uitlander press and the London newspapers were publishing war propaganda about the Boer republics.

As for white guilt, there is a whole industry meant to inculcate it into us, almost from birth. At school our children are exposed to compulsory subjects such as “Life Orientation” containing political propaganda of the worst kind, meant to persuade them that their parents were all war criminals killing thousands, if not millions, of blacks. In reality, of course, only 500 blacks died at the hands of the SA police from 1948 to 1994, fewer than die every year as a result of police brutality under black rule! However, the foreign whites and media do not write about police brutality anymore because it is now committed by blacks and therefore of no interest.

More than 80 000 whites have been murdered since 1994 and up to a million white women have been raped. Four thousand farmers, their wives and children have been killed, many of them spending their last hours under dehumanising torture.

While all this is going on in the ghoulish present, not a week goes by without newspapers and radio programmes calling for whites to “repent about apartheid”, surrender the meagre assets that they still control or simply leave the country as they “have outstayed their welcome”. People are constantly telling me to “go back to Europe” or “get lost”, even though my forebears came here in the early 1700s.

Apart from racial quotas in education that prevent whites from obtaining a tertiary education, especially in medicine and other fields, an aging white population now endures a third-world system of medical care. Prior to 1994, whites had one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with both a private and a well-managed public hospital system.

Corruption and mismanagement have reduced the public system to a shambles while the costs of private healthcare have gone through the roof. Only the corporate elite can now afford private healthcare. Whites are almost banned from studying medicine by the universities so that their parents and grandparents may just die from neglect in the state hospital system.

Despite being well-educated and hard-working, affirmative action and so-called BEE (black-economic empowerment) have reduced most South African whites to poverty. Their mean income per capita is far less than the minimum wage in many European countries.The following table shows annual per capita income growth from 2001 to 2011 for all racial groups in South Africa:

Source: Moneyweb/SA census

If the R365 134 earned by the average SA white is translated into dollar terms at $40 970, this is way below minimum wage levels in most European countries. However, this very modest white income gets taxed at 40% to fund the megalomaniac dreams of this make-believe government whose only interest is in seeking international prestige while it cannot even mend our roads, nor deliver school books on time. In a real sense, white poverty is caused by government, either through its high taxes or its racially interventionist policies.

This is Frans Cronjé’s “white paradise”!

‘Apartheid’ as metonym for Afrikaners

In a multiethnic society like South Africa, groups will always blame each other for their lack of wealth, education, political power, and so on. In this respect, SA is no different to Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Northern Ireland, Belgium or anywhere else.

Apartheid is a national obessession. To some extent it has imparted some sort of inverse identity to the so-called New South Africa where people wonder whether we are really the 51st state of the USA, the southern province of Zimbabwe or part of the British Empire. Of course, one of the first steps after 27 April 1994 was to rejoin the Commonwealth so in a sense that made many people feel “whole” again.

Apartheid is, however, also a metonym. Being an Afrikaans word, sometimes the only Afrikaans word that many people know, it stands for “Afrikaners”. A statement like “apartheid destroyed black wealth” decodes as “Afrikaners destroyed black wealth”. The massive participation of Afrikaners in education between 1948 and 1994, mainly because the angelic English owned all the mines and industries, may therefore be seen as “de-educating South Africa”. At one point 50% of teachers in English-language white schools were also Afrikaners. Soon these “deprived” Engelse will be blaming Afrikaners for not having won more Nobel prizes for science, not having founded Google or Microsoft or not inventing the Ipod. Instead, they were “forced” to read Somer by CM van den Heever or some Afrikaans poetry in their second-language class, which “dehumanised” them.

Of course, Afrikaner teachers also taught millions of people science and mathematics, but as some minister once said: “Verwoerd made it too difficult, because he was a racist.” Fortunately Kader Asmal introduced “mathematical literacy” which is is the non-racist version.

As Paul Berkowitz so eloquently argues in How do you solve a problem like Apartheid?: “In the end, perception usually trumps truth.” Someone will have to be blamed for the fact that the average black South African does not enjoy the same standard of living as the average citizen of Luxembourg or Norway. Nor does the average white, of course, but that is besides the point.

Apartheid, like Satan, still lurks within dark corners of South Africa, usually on farms or in Afrikaans schools or within the homes of poorer Afrikaners living on smallholdings such as in Muldersdrift or Kameeldrif.

Within the metonymic logic of South African ethnic discourse, eliminating apartheid is easy: you have just have to eliminate Afrikaners. This can be done in three ways: putting them all on a boat to Australia, assimilating them completely, or by killing them en masse. Or maybe one by one, family by family.

In Muldersdrift, Kameeldrif, on farms and even in the cities, the clarion call to “eliminate the last vestiges of apartheid” is being responded to with vicious enthusiasm. Remember that Lord Milner or one of his contemporaries also used those terms on the eve of the Anglo-Boer War: “eliminating the last vestiges of Afrikanerism from South Africa”. Afterwards 500 000 British soldiers and 100 000 armed blacks put the Boer women and children in concentration camps and burned everything to the ground, homes, barns, even churches. In fact, the British were the only Western people to have burnt churches in the modern era.

According to historians, it took Germany 120 years to recover from the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) when a similar “scorched earth policy” had been followed on its soil. However, no-one – least of all the omniscient apartheid theorists of today – has ever argued that the Anglo-Boer had any economic effect whatsoever. On the contrary, the economic effect is generally seen as positive, in having put control of the economy firmly in English hands. Confiscated Boer livestock and grain were sold to the British army by English companies whose names have changed since, some of which are today listed on the JSE. “Apartheid capital” therefore metamorphosed into “English entrepreneurial flair”. This was the first form of BEE, or British Economic Empowerment. Arguably, the current form of BEE still benefits bankers and stockbrokers more than it does blacks, because these rake in huge fees for enriching a few high-profile blacks.

After the war, irate letter writers from Natal castigated Milner and others for not having killed all the Boers and “cleansing the country for England”. That would have been one way of nipping apartheid in the bud, as it were.

But it is never too late and we can all agree that apartheid is being eliminated every day, whether metaphorically by erasing Afrikaans names of towns or streets, or physically by terminating the bearers of the disease. There is an uncanny resemblance between the gentlemanly style of the British in 1900-1902 and the methods of the current crop of freedom fighters, who appreciate that children, especially girl children, represent the next generation and it therefore makes sense to eliminate them first. The names of Alyssa Botha and Danielle Esterhuizen come to mind, but there are many others too.

Blade runner killing and the media blackout

by Ilana Mercer

After decades of indifference from America’s infotainment industry, imagine my surprise to hear TV anchors like Megyn Kelly of Fox News allude to the killing fields of South Africa.

South Africa should be in the news every day. It isn’t. Scant few among the West’s Yellow Press care to chronicle the country’s favorite blood sport: murder. The Afrikaners, in particular – arguably that country’s founding people – are being killed off at genocidal rates with nary a murmur from the media – although the same crowd is on the scene to report on Nelson Mandela’s every wheelchair-bound move.

According to Genocide Watch, South Africa under the African National Congress is now at stage 5 of the 8 stages of genocide. However, were it not for a little-known, heroic Internet journalist (cited in “Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa”), few would know who the victims of this racial onslaught are and how they die.

Soon jurist Alan Dershowitz was chiming in about “how dangerous” life in South Africa was. Dershowitz even denigrated the country’s judiciary as “a very politically correct judiciary,” “filled with people from the ANC and supporters of the ANC”; most certainly “not one of the finer judiciaries in the world.”

A subject that had been submerged since 1994 – the ramshackle state of post-apartheid South Africa – was suddenly being raised, if in veiled terms.

The reason for the heightened awareness among the criminally comatose is Blade Runner Oscar Pistorius’ run-in with the law. The Olympian amputee killed his girlfriend, model Reeva Steenkamp, in what he contends was a case of mistaken identity. This being South Africa, the crime scene in suburban Pretoria is rumored to have been contaminated by the new and notorious South African Police Services. And the prosecutor has overreached, charging Pistorius, who has no priors, with premeditated murder.

The high-profile murder is PC and TV perfect for a left-liberal media, in South Africa and beyond, that wish to peddle the myth of “colorless” crime in South Africa. It is no such thing. In the aggregate, violence in the Rainbow Nation – more appropriately called the “Rambo Nation” – is unidirectional: black on black and black on white. Violence against women generally flows in the same direction. Considering, moreover, that the country now has one of the world’s highest murder rates and lowest conviction rates, a South Africa thug can safely pursue his vocation without fearing the consequences.

South African authorities, universities and think tanks no longer provide information about victimization patterns by race of victim and offender. Nevertheless, in the research for my book, I uncovered data according to which, at 76.6 percent of the population, blacks committed 76.4 percent of “intimate femicides” (defined as “the killing of a female person by an intimate partner”). And they committed 68.3 percent of “non-intimate femicides”: “the killing of a woman by someone other than an intimate partner.”

Whites have proven woefully inadequate to the task of filling their pro-rata crime quotas (page 38). At less than 9 percent of the population and dwindling, the corresponding numbers for white South Africans were 3.9 and 2.6 percent, respectively.

Order lIana Mercer’s brilliant polemical work, “Into the Cannibal’s Pot: Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa”

With respect to incarceration rates, whites “underperformed” again. According to the South African Department of Correctional Services, 113,773 criminals had been sentenced as of June 2008, of whom only 2,190 were white. Whites make up only 1.9 percent of the number of sentenced criminals.

Weighing in with 90,013 sentenced individuals – approximately 79.1 percent of the total number of criminals sentenced – blacks more than filled their per-population crime allotment.

This high-profile celebrity case involves a class of people – wealthy white South Africans – whose role in the country’s violent crime is statistically insignificant. Trust a hypocritical media to turn a statistical outlier, an anomaly, into a perfect foil for the continued blackout on the color of crime in South Africa.

The incontinent gushing over Pistorius has given way to condemnation. Paranoid about security is how the athlete’s “obligingly stupid” journo friends are now labeling him. They had only ever jetted in from low-crime or no-crime countries for an interview.

More at home among the international glitterati, Oscar Leonard Carl Pistorius is no Afrikaner “everyman,” says activist Dan Roodt, who is such a man. Even so – and for all his privilege – Pistorius knows the rapacity and invincibility of the criminal class in his country. Like every other Afrikaner, he knew in his gut what infiltrating gangs would do to a legless Boer. He had seen the mangled images.

Perhaps Pistorius will speak up.