On Oscar Pistorius, singularity and libtards

Regarding convicted murderer Oscar Pistorius, almost everyone has had “an egg to lay”, as the Afrikaans expression goes. I purposefully tried to avoid his trial and its attendant hype, as it displayed once more the painful and colonial stupidity of South African society, with its stereotypical concerns that make the average TV soap opera look like Dostoevsky.

roodt_fbfotoHordes of local and foreign journalists swarmed around the court room, tweeting incessantly. More than one book rolled off the presses, in which the orgiastic display of superficiality, Schadenfreude and political correctness was apparently canonised. I say, “apparently”, as I have not read any of these tomes and probably never will.

The only comment worth making about Oscar Pistorius is that he is not an Afrikaner. Despite his surname which, incidentally, is of Dutch origin, being a Latinisation of “baker” (“pistor” means “baker” in Latin), he was raised as English and attended English schools. So if one’s culture makes one commit murder or shoot your girlfriend through the bathroom door, English must be lethal.

However, I strongly suspect that even if Pistorius had been a “Smith” or a “Jones” – the two most common surnames in Great Britain – he would still have been crucified by the media vampires as a kind of “Afrikaner by association”. So every journalist or commentator vaguely able to spell “sociology” or “psychology” launched into quasi-learned “explanations” of Pistorius’s behaviour which was mostly attributed to being a white, middle-class and “Afrikaner” male.

Alex Perry even wrote an early piece for Time magazine, in which he fell back on the ultimate English-South African cliché, the laager, retaining the antiquated Dutch spelling that Afrikaners never use:

The ultimate example of this private crime control is the security estate. The ancestors of the white Afrikaners, 19th century Dutch settlers, had their own response to overwhelming danger: circling their wagons in an impenetrable laager. The most celebrated laager was at the Battle of Blood River in 1838, in which 470 Dutchmen killed 3,000 Zulu warriors while sustaining light wounds to just three of their own. The security estate–a walled-off cluster of houses protected by razor wire, electric fences, motion detectors and guards–is the 21st century laager. Its purpose is the same: separation from what Afrikaners call the swart gevaar or “black threat.” The security estate is a private, individual, exclusive solution to that fear. And Silver Woods in Pretoria, where Pistorius lives behind electrified 8-ft.-high (2.5 m) security walls watched over by the estate’s dedicated security force, is one of the most exclusive guarded communities in the country.

Our crime statistics are, as everyone knows, “off the charts” as they say in America, and post-1994 South Africa has the dubious distinction of having both the highest incidence of rape in the world and almost the highest murder rate. OK, so Honduras and Venezuela beat us in the number of murders per 100 000 members of the population, but in absolute terms an extraordinary 16914 people got murdered last year. Probably Pistorius’s crime will be classified as a “culpable homicide” of which there were 11257 in 2013. If you add the two together, you get 28171 people killed in one year. On average, 43 people are murdered every day, 77 if you include the culpable homicides. That means our daily number of murders exceeds the annual body count in places like Denmark (47 murders per year), Switzerland (46 per year) and New Zealand (41 murders per year).

I specifically mention Switzerland, as it is well-known that the Swiss army system, a citizens’ militia, entails that every man aged 55 and under has a government-issue assault rifle at home. As the adage goes, guns don’t kill people… and Switzerland is the living proof of that.

So the avalanche of clichés in the media on “Afrikaner gun culture”, “whiteness”, “masculinity”, the “laager”, “black peril”, etc., merely represents the self-referential black box of libtardism and its incapacity to grasp or describe even the stuff of so-called “genre fiction”: murder.

One of the first and most obvious aspects of the Oscar Pistorius story is that it is a singularity. Here is a man without legs who ran in the Olympics and then shot his girlfriend through the bathroom door for some peculiar personal reason which may have been tantamount to a crime passionel. It will never happen again. We all know how lawyers train their witnesses to say certain things in court to make the evidence fit a certain legal outcome. The entire narrative around Pistorius’s “fear of crime” may have been the figment of Barry Roux’s imagination, for all we know. Yet Steinberg and his fellow libtards see in this statement a corroboration of their “white/Afrikaner paranoia theory”.

Within the delirious fantasy world of the libtard where whites are always violent and evil, as opposed to blacks who are congenitally innocent, but sometimes “pushed” into crime or violence by white racism or socioeconomic conditions, Oscar Pistorius was the ultimate “proof” of white, male and Afrikaans wickedness. Security estates, or “gated communities” in American parlance, of which there are literally thousands in South Africa, are an expression of “white paranoia” and have nothing to do with defending oneself against the ambient social war raging on the streets of South Africa.

I have referred before to the English-South African need for imitation and colonial deference to Britain. For the elites of Johannesburg and Cape Town, white or black, London will always be our real capital, and Washington to a lesser extent. Anglo-American political correctness is also the national creed, and woe betide anyone who deviates from it. South African “intellectualism” consists of simulating or conforming to such British or American PC views, regardless of local culture or conditions.

Even where a “muti” or “medicine murder” takes place in the age-old African tradition, it will be explained in terms of “apartheid” and things like “white patriarchy” or “masculinity”. The resulting anachronism, logical absurdity and sheer dishonesty of such explanations are cavalierly disregarded by libtard genii whose racial fixation trumps all other interpretations or even facts. Naturally, every libtard is a genius who regularly sneers haughtily at any conservative, rational or logical criticism of his or her prejudices, as being “stupid” or “dumb” in a revealing demonstration of the Dunning-Kruger effect.

Even though the Pistorius murder case was a clear-cut interpersonal crime between two people with an intimate relationship, white-on-white as they say, the libtard mainstream media (MSM) immediately set about racialising it. Even where any form of racial motive shines in its utter absence, it has to be imagined or filled in, because otherwise they would have nothing left to say.

Op my ou ramkiekie met net een snaar, we say in Afrikaans to convey someone’s one-dimensional conversation or ideas. Libtardism is indeed a musical instrument with a single string: race. Without a racial monotone, the libtard reaches the end of his little universe where, as Wittgenstein said:

“What we cannot speak about we must pass over in silence.”

One day even maths and physics, or the origins of the universe, will be described in terms of a libtardist, racial paradigm.

Forgetting for a moment about Oscar Pistorius’s notoriety even before his murder trial, the hullabaloo over the trial was indicative of a kind of cognitive and semantic crisis at the heart of political correctness. Conditions in South Africa being what they are, with rampant crime and violence, including the killing and rape of children, even babies, the most confident libtard must sense imminent mind-control failure. No matter how powerful the Anglo-Saxon media machine and “neurolinguistic programming” in this country, sooner or later the average citizen is “mugged by reality”, as the expression goes. Or rather, the fortunate ones get mugged, the unfortunate ones become rape or murder statistics.

From within the newsrooms and the inner sanctums of academe where an even more convoluted jargon circumlocutes the generalised sociopathy, or sadism, of South Africa, the ramkiekie is sounding more and more like a crackling short-wave radio somewhere in the Congolese jungle. London is calling, but she is no longer getting through.

Some of the most pitiful imitations of politically correct cultural-Marxist or feminist “discourse” – a word more commonly used in French, but that became strangely fashionable in English – are to be found among South African blacks. Political correctness for blacks has the added advantage of also being profitable, in that it justifies affirmative action, BEE (black economic empowerment) and the other Orwellian policies pursued by our government. As I have also stated elsewhere, South Africa is the only country in the world where an ethnic majority with unfettered political, military, police and economic power – if its share of the state-owned economy is taken into account – has to be protected from a dwindling, disenfranchised and powerless minority.

It follows that, not only does a white “perp” like legless Oscar represent a valuable pawn in the ongoing semantic war against Afrikaners/whites by the PC horde, but he also has great economic and political value. Like Penelope’s face launched a thousand ships, the abject figure of Oscar the white “Afrikanerised” criminal will launch a thousand tenders. As “white male evil incarnate”, he will assuage the pangs of conscience in looting our state down to the last, devalued rand, if ever there were such pangs. The ultimate objective of revolution in South Africa was not to “liberate us” but to fall upon the state and municipal coffers in a feeding frenzy of sleaze and corruption that puts the Caribbean piracy of yore to shame.

But let me get back to the “feminist” interpretation of Oscar, alluded to a paragraph or two ago. A black male and a deputy director-general in the Presidency at that, Mr. Busani Ngcaweni, has alerted me on Twitter to his “analysis” of Oscar under the ominous title, White masculinity since 1994, published in the Sunday Independent yesterday.

The astute reader will by now have realised that, in South Africa, we do not really have a problem with rapists or murderers committing all these heinous crimes, but with abstract nouns. As rape is notoriously under-reported, it is estimated that up to a million women get raped every year, not by real, live rapists, but by abstract nouns such as “masculinity” and “patriarchy”. In the libtard media and in academic journals, there is a whole industry devoted to blaming “masculinity” and “patriarchy” for rape and murder and “femicide”, with the underlying suggestion that white, middle-class males are somehow also involved in the rape and murder epidemic. Anyone questioning this is immediately censored, or fired.

However, even a casual perusal of the South African Police’s own statistics, will demonstrate that violent crime, including rape and murder, is not reported at police stations like Randburg or Bellville where middle-class white males cluster, but in areas like Soweto or the Cape Flats where few, if any, whites live. Now, unless the victims of crime in white middle-class areas, pursued by white male accountants, lawyers and members of middle management, drive across Johannesburg or Cape Town to go and report their crimes in black or Coloured areas, we may safely assume that those crimes had indeed been committed within or near the police precincts where they were first reported. Unlike what Jonny Steinberg claims, there is no “culture of violence” in predominantly white, Afrikaner suburbs and legal gun owners do not shoot up the neighbourhood, as a rule.

So while sundry white libtard-feminist harpies like Gillian Schutte or Christi van der Westhuizen rail against abstract nouns such as “whiteness” or “masculinity” or “patriarchy”, no-one has ever tendered any concrete evidence that white South African males commit any more crime than ones in Denmark, Switzerland or New Zealand, our already-mentioned three low-crime countries.

Oscar Pistorius’s singular murder is therefore not representative of anything, let alone “a source of racial shame” as Steinberg in his libtard zeal pontificated shortly after his sentencing:

…I get the sense that the feelings of vengeance are much stronger among whites than blacks. Pistorius has offended a sense of racial pride, and a lot of white people are hungry for his blood.

Wandering around the eastern Free State and Gauteng these past couple of weeks, I get the sense that many people in the townships don’t care one way or another about Pistorius. Another rich person received soft justice. So what? It happens all the time.

The vitriol spewing across the airwaves has been disproportionately white, as far as I can tell.

Are libtards capable of “sense”? As someone said, journalism is a low-paid job where most of the job satisfaction comes from fraternising with important people and regularly smearing them. So it does not really attract the mathematically gifted or people with analytical, logical skills.

On Twitter last night, Busani Ngcaweni suggested that Steinberg had even gone so far as to claim that Afrikaners had “initiated” pristine, innocent blacks into violence during the ninenteenth century:


Even though libtards are capable of the most extreme and outlandish statements, I would be surprised to see such a quote, even from a Boerehaat author such as Steinberg, but then in South Africa, anything is possible.

South Africa’s one saving grace is that we are a member of BRICS, with the ultimate hope that either Russia or China will assume a neo-colonial role in this country, to staunch the destructive excesses of Anglo-American, racialised political correctness. However, Ngcaweni does not offer me any hope, as he sounds just like some indoctrinated 2nd-year social-science student from Wits or UCT, although he claims never to have been to university. He merely recapitulates the groundless speculations of Steinberg et al when he concludes his piece on Oscar by saying:

It is the fascinating peep into a particular world that this trial gave us: the life of guns, sport cars and blondes, the new cultural signifiers of Afrikaner masculinity in post-apartheid South Africa.

If anything, the non-Afrikaner Oscar’s evidently shallow and flashy Hollywood-lifestyle is more indicative of the dominant “global” culture than anything remotely Afrikaans or Afrikaner. Being Calvinists, with a strong patrician bond to the land, the plebeian display of material wealth and symbols of consumption has never been part of the Afrikaner make-up. Around Johannesburg, I see more black males in expensive, million-rand plus sports cars than white ones. Most Afrikaners drive utilitarian bakkies or pick-ups as many are self-employed and have to transport stock or equipment in their struggle for survival against a hostile, anti-white system.

One of the many paradoxes of our self-proclaimed “genius” pundits is that, apart from mixing metaphors and facts so often, they also have no sense of logical consistency. When using modish, postmodern language from a few decades ago, you should at least be aware that, by implication, you are rejecting the very notion of “representation” in favour of complexity, paradox, multiplicity, singularity, and so on. That is Postmodernism 101.

Not only has representative government failed us in South Africa, but the libtard in search of his “representative” white male perpetrator has become even more risible than some of our politicians.

 

Objecting to hate crime: now also racist

delport_manfred_600by Manfred Delport

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In yet another shocking incident of racist hate crime, a timber harvester, Mr Dan Knight, was brutally murdered in KZN by black suspects. His partner, Ms Beth Butcher, recounted her horror at being forced to watch the attack. By “forced”, I mean that her head was held and turned towards the victim by force, and her eyes were forced open by one of the attackers, so that she could witness for herself the sheer horror of Mr Knight’s head literally being beaten to a pulp by his attackers. According to Ms Butcher, during a radio interview, they deliberately pulverized Mr Knight’s skull with a hammer and a plumber’s wrench, while she was forced to looked on.

The “motive?” Mr Knight had made the mistake of appointing a company, for which the perpetrators worked, to harvest timber, and the contracting company had failed to pay the perpetrators. Note that this was an arms-length relationship. They were not employed by Mr Knight himself, but by a third party. They nevertheless then took it upon themselves to smash Mr Knight’s head to a pulp, perhaps as an act of retaliation somehow aimed at their employer.  For the purposes of this column, I must emphasize that the victims were white and the attackers, which were known to the victims, were black.

Multiply the above horrific, barbaric act of racist hate crime by 4000 dead and often-tortured farmers who have died during farm attacks, multiply this by countless white victims who have been raped, attacked, robbed, hijacked, murdered and tortured by hate-filled criminals from other groups, and you start to get the idea of what is going on in South Africa. It can surely only be described as widespread, endemic anti-white hate crime, if not the beginnings of a genocide.

Of course, we will now be told by the usual suspects, the likes of Sipho Singwisa and Gillian Schutte of the Media for Justice (sic) movement, that this is all “ordinary crime”.  To them, being forced to watch while somebody crushes your partner’s skull with a plumbing wrench, is run-of-the-mill, everyday stuff, barely worth a mention. They will also, no doubt, attempt to offer the utterly moronic excuse that “everybody in South Africa suffers from crime”. While the latter may be true, it is whites who bear the brunt of hate crimes, for whites represent the vast majority of the victims of violent, interracial hate crime in South Africa. One just has to read the papers or watch the news to become aware of this undisputable fact, even though the media take great pains not to mention the race of the attackers. The surnames of the victims and court appearances of the perpetrators, however, almost always give the secret away.

White-on-black hate crime, on the other hand, is exceedingly rare. It is well-nigh impossible, for example, to find a single media report detailing a white-on-black sexual assault, whereas white women are often, and almost routinely, raped during anti-white hate crimes known as house invasions, and this even includes elderly women. To which the ever-more-desperate loony lefties will attempt to offer the feeble excuse that there are “more blacks than whites in South Africa”. Also true, but even controlling for population numbers, the rate per capita of anti-white racist crime still completely dwarfs the rate of whites committing hate crimes against others.

What is really guaranteed, however, to get these insane leftists berserk with froth-at-the-mouth fury, would be if anybody should dare to object to the violent, racist, anti-white crime endemic in South Africa in an organized fashion. This happened recently, during the Red October campaign, during which people like Sunette Bridges and Steve Hofmeyr (both singers), dared to protest against shockingly racist murders and other racism-inspired hate violence aimed at whites.

For her trouble, Ms Bridges, who I emphasize is a female entertainer who is almost certainly not dangerous or violent, for having the gall to object to the violent, racist attacks aimed at her people, has even been compared to Adolf Hitler in a diatribe penned in the Daily Maverick by a little-known Wits academic, no doubt wishing to burnish her PC credentials. And, of course, loony-lefties like Ms Schutte have wasted no time in being reduced to hysterically screaming the little magic word so beloved of the frothing-at-the-mouth left: “racist!”  Not only do the likes of Ms Schutte hysterically scream racism when whites dare to object to the hate crime aimed at us, but they actually want those of us who dare to protest, silenced by the government, as in this execrable piece of bilge perpetrated by Ms Schutte’s husband, Sipho Singiswa. Those who dare to write about racist hate crimes, are themselves branded as “hate groups.” In the above-mentioned piece of addled nonsense, Singwisa even frets about Ms Bridges (once again: a female singer) and her ilk taking to the streets and murdering blacks. I quote:

Perhaps they are waiting for the moment when these supremacists, drunk from the racist hatred they have been concocting and imbibing, and emboldened by the government’s lack of action against them, take to the streets and butcher a couple of innocent black people.

I would challenge the author of this incoherent nonsense to bring me a single example of any participant in the Red October protests who has ever committed a hate crime against any black person. Of course, this would imply that he would be amenable to a rational argument, which I would seriously doubt. However, following the “logic” in the tirade delivered by Singwisa, the surviving victim of the horrific attack mentioned at the start of this column, Ms Beth Butcher, would also be remiss in objecting to this clear hate crime which cost her her life partner. The likes of Singwisa and Schutte would, no doubt, prefer that Ms Butcher keep the details of this horrific, racist hate crime to herself and accept it as “ordinary crime”, or tell herself that “blacks suffer from crime too, so it must be OK”.

Should Ms Butcher dare to object to this hate crime, she, like Sunette Bridges and Steve Hofmeyr, no doubt runs the risk of being branded a racist by the likes of Schutte and Singwisa. They will also, as demanded in Singwisa’s incoherent ranting, insist that the government silences Ms Butcher, and perhaps even that the government prevents Ms Butcher from speaking to the media. Perhaps Schutte and Singiswa (is it only me who finds the acronym for their combined surnames – SS – ironic?) would even like to see the likes of Ms Butcher jailed, should she speak out.

Because, you see, in the insane world of the la-la-leftie loony, objecting to hate crime, even if you are a victim or related to a victim is, in itself, “racist.”

Deconstructing the Boerehaat outburst

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by Dan Roodt

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We have a unique English population in South Africa. On the one hand, they are the most politically radical. On the other, some are partially Afrikanerised and bilingual. Just today I was listening to one of them speaking fluent Afrikaans on RadioSonderGrense, just about perfect, with a soupçon of an English accent. At least fifty percent of English-speakers in South Africa have a knowledge of Afrikaans, the highest figure for any anglophone population in the world. A much smaller percentage of them speak French in bilingual Canada and a much smaller proportion of Britons speak any of the other languages of the European Union to which they belong.

Somewhere in 2000 Régis Débray, the French essayist and philosopher and one-time chronicler of Ché Guevara visited South Africa. We immediately hit it off and he was absolutely fascinated by some of my theories on Africanism, the return to the origin, as well as a short introduction to Afrikaner thinking. I remember the local French Institute getting irritated as he was falling behind schedule as a result of our lengthy discussion.

One of the things he said I remember to this day: that no “Anglo-Saxon society” had ever succumbed to totalitarian ideas. Unlike Germany, Italy, Russia and much of Eastern Europe of course. He ascribed it to something that Orwell also wrote about: the common sense of the Englishman, his disdain for complex philosophical or ideological systems. In Orwell’s words:

Here are a couple of generalizations about England that would be accepted by almost all observers. One is that the English are not gifted artistically. They are not as musical as the Germans or Italians, painting and sculpture have never flourished in England as they have in France. Another is that, as Europeans go, the English are not intellectual. They have a horror of abstract thought, they feel no need for any philosophy or systematic ‘world-view’. Nor is this because they are ‘practical’, as they are so fond of claiming for themselves. One has only to look at their methods of town planning and water supply, their obstinate clinging to everything that is out of date and a nuisance, a spelling system that defies analysis, and a system of weights and measures that is intelligible only to the compilers of arithmetic books, to see how little they care about mere efficiency. But they have a certain power of acting without taking thought. Their world-famed hypocrisy – their double-faced attitude towards the Empire, for instance – is bound up with this.

However, I think I must write to Débray that he and Orwell were wrong, at least in some respects. The Jekyll-and-Hyde nature of the local English-speaking population divides into both a good-natured, polite, hospitable, outdoorsy type (like Afrikaners) and a more sinister, scheming, obsessive, greedy bunch oozing bad faith and hatred. I have experience of both kinds. Suffice it to say that the Mr. Hyde-style English person has caused us untold suffering; he or she is usually in the forefront of inciting hatreds of all kinds, advocating war or terrorism, social engineering on a vast scale, collective punishment and, last but not least, Boerehaat.

Ironically, while abjuring ethnicity, race and any form of patriotism, considered “fascist”, the leftist kind of Englishman reacts ethnically, viscerally to any form of “other” on the horizon. I have seen it many times, including over the past week with a motley collection of silly scribes and armchair activists lashing out at the Red October protest and campaign.

It bears repeating: the South African anti-racist is the biggest racist of them all! Their compulsive rejection of the (white) other is so fanatical, so obsessive, so pathological even that it borders on the insane. Not only do they hate Afrikaners, but also Southern Americans, Scots, French (the “Frogs”), Germans (the “Krauts”), the Dutch who are by definition “dumb”, Italians, Greeks, etc. While embracing political radicalism, Marxism (espcially the “vulgar” kind), egalitarian extremism, they still subscribe to nineteenth-century Anglo-Saxon supremacism. Albert Brenner recently reminded us of Cecil John Rhodes’s famous statement:

I contend that we British are the finest race in the world and that the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race. Just fancy those parts that are at present inhabited by the most despicable specimens of human beings what an alteration there would be if they were brought under Anglo-Saxon influence…

However, as an old Boer who participated in the first Anglo-Boer said: “I have seen the colour of the English flag and it is white.” The mythical victory of Wellington over Napoleon at Waterloo was largely won with German mercenaries. Hence the form of the ongoing low-intensity conflict between the English radical and the Afrikaner in this country: Besides placing bombs in public places or Wimpy restaurants, terrorism being the method of the coward, his main form of combat is in the propaganda department, a job which is also eminently suitable for women.

I could go into the vile history of the so-called “armed blacks” of the Anglo-Boer when the invading English army introduced interracial rape as a weapon of war into our pristine land, and you will get an understanding of English “warfare” which resembles the atrocities of a Charles Taylor or some Congolese warlord avenging himself on defenceless women and children. The point is that the English radical does the incitement and the “psy ops” but lets others do the fighting, or even the protesting.

A few months ago I observed this at close quarters outside the Constitutional Court in Johannesburg. There were a few English radicals outside the court, speaking on cellphones, summoning their rented black crowd who duly arrived to toyi-toyi about “racism” in Afrikaans schools. A lone Afrikaner armed only with a camera, I confronted the black crowd and asked them why they weren’t singing “Dubula iBunu” (Shoot the Boer) because I was in attendance. But apparently that was not on the programme, to my great disappointment.

The Englishman and -woman, being cowards, would never confront us directly. They would always summon some or other rent-a-crowd or bused-in mob to protest or sometimes commit some horrible sadistic act, such as an intimidatory necklace murder. “Kill one, scare a thousand,” said Mao and of course the English radical has embraced this principle to the hilt.

Despite her surname, Gillian Schutte is as English and as radical as they come. Echoing the South African Communist Party, she has delivered the latest screaming denunciation of the Red October protest, aptly entitled Seeing Red. As confessions of Boerehaat go, it demonstrates a few things. The lack of culture and intellectualism that Orwell routinely ascribed to his countrymen, would be one of them. In fact, when the new, radical government took over in 1994, one of the first things that Kader Asmal, a miserable Indian and zombie warlord of the British Empire, did was to confiscate the classical-music instruments at Afrikaans schools. That vindictive, philistine act was surely not only his idea, but must have been decided by some English committee somewhere. No doubt the committee must have been consumed with envy and hatred at seeing our beautiful children singing in choirs and operettas, as naturally “musical as Italians or Germans” (see Orwell quote above) and playing their instruments with that quiet seriousness which is so characteristic of the Afrikaner child, as opposed to the ill-discipline, the boisterous and disrespectful, often drug-ridden anomie of the modern “English” child.

Many English bands build a career on about three guitar chords, as opposed to our famous pianists who perform Chopin or Beethoven the world over. The annual Unisa international piano competition is the highlight of the Afrikaner social calendar in Pretoria. However, English music, like English food, is loud and repetitive. Gillian Schutte does not have three chords. She only has one, strident, false note: “racism”. Karl Marx turned Hegel “on his head” in order to give us the class struggle, but even that simple idea is too complex for our local Rooinek Reds. (“Aanstap Rooies, die pad is lank en swaar…” goes the Afrikaans folk song, the existence of folk songs being another sign of our innate “fascism”.) Their natural inclination is to a kind of Spanish-Inquisition denunciation of the heretic. I think I have already pointed out the resemblance between the primitive and literal South African witch-hunt during which the offending man or usually woman is “sniffed out” by a sangoma and current attempts to identify and isolate dissidents or “racists” in order to publicly pillory or perhaps even physically harm them.

Gillian Schutte is the sangoma of the Johannesburg Left. According to her, the “Red October (campaign is).. becoming their own worst enemies as they buy into the construct of an imaginary genocide and declare a hate-filled discursive war against the entire black population”.

In essence, Schutte is calling for a black mob or impi to come and “sort out” the white, Afrikaner racists.

“But where is the outrage?” she laments. She claims that someone had called President Jacob Zuma (whose strongly Zulu identity most Afrikaners actually approve of, as being in keeping with their own ideas about acceding to modernity through one’s own culture and not a foreign one) a “Kaffer dog”. It is obvious that hordes of English “cyber warriors” in the form of agents provocateurs will try to frame Afrikaner dissidents by posting “racist” statements all over Facebook in the next few weeks, so that Schutte and her fellow racial cheerleaders may appeal to black racial identity which they keep in a wounded, rancorous state through endlessly harping on “apartheid”, “our dark past” and similar Gothic tales that are mostly fiction, interspersed with a few half-truths here and there.

To the “progressive English white”, blacks are but dogs to do his bidding, in taking the fight to the enemy: the patriotic Afrikaner who refuses to leave or disappear, or to wither away and die. At the end of the Anglo-Boer war, the British high command was flooded with letters from irate Natalians and Capetonians who did not want Britain to stop but to “cleanse the country for England” and proceed to a complete genocide of the Boer population, man, woman and child. In the concentration camps there was a concerted attempt to stamp out the Afrikaans language and identity. As E.B. Sargent wrote to Lord Milner in 1903:

We must appeal to England and the brothers and sisters of those who have fought for the Empire, asking them to come over to carry out that part of the work which their kinsmen were not able to complete. Our military operations have resulted in the greater part of the boys now remaining in the camps, and I am convinced that we have no better opportunity than now to make them all English-speaking next year … What we now require here are women, highly capable teachers with strong patriotism who would be willing to come hither and face the hardships of the camp life, in order to teach the children of the burghers our language and our ideals. Gradually these children should also be taught our great Imperial ideals.

Chris Louw overheard Alistair Sparks on an aeroplane, saying something similar, that Britain had made a singular mistake in not killing all Afrikaners when she had had the opportunity. Underlying the anti-racist discourse of the anglophone Left are the most archaic prejudices against the “European”, the non-English, as well as the Afrikaner – speaking his “guttural tongue” as it has been dubbed in so many trashy English novels written in this country.

In South Africa the colonial genocide of the nineteenth century meets the “progressive” genocides of the twentieth and they intermingle, eclectically, syncretistically. The British camp commander and rapist of Boer girls in their early teens meets Winnie Mandela with her box of matches and together they dance around the bonfire screaming their Rwandan chant from La Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines: “Kill the cockroaches!” Is it pure coincidence that Natal, source of all those genocidal letters, also has a “Valley of a Thousand Hills”? Cue in Stalin, Pol Pot, Mao’s Red Guards and you have the picture. I have always maintained that South Africa is a dumping ground for worn-out but dangerous ideologies from the rest of the world, such as communism or, in this case, American race ideology with its anti-white bias.

No-one in the petty-minded phalanx of the South African Left understands what the term “deconstruction” actually means, yet it has become one of those buzz-words circulating like a rumour or a piece of gossip. Let me not enlighten the benighted necklacists of Wits or UCT in their postcolonial trance.

Except, perhaps, for pointing out or performing one small piece of Abbau. Haha, it almost sounds like the Khoi loanword in Afrikaans and the name of Swedish pop group, “abba”.

Race, we are told by the leftist mob, is a social construct. Yet in their response to Afrikaner dissidence and protest in being led to the slaughterhouse – no longer are we lambs – the Left appeals very strongly to race and racial identity.

“Where is the outrage?” screams Gillian Schutte, meaning the outrage of blacks who should respond to her clarion call of race and a deep, biological identity. Jonathan Jansen, whom I call the clown of Bloemfontein, has published a collection of clichés called “Knowledge in the blood”. Yet, the Left, with its internationalist-Marxist, globalist, deculturated, we-are-all-the-same bombast, is actually appealing to the most basic of instincts: blood and racial rage.

Will the black hordes assemble for the witches’ sabbath of the white feminists? Are the Bantu that stupid?

That anyone should risk the future of South Africa in proving a point to a few Afrikaner protestors with red balloons is, of course, another indication of just how certifiably insane Ms. Hyde has become. Are we on our way to a Rwanda, a Katyn Wood, a Khmer Rouge Cambodia, a Maoist Cultural Revolution?

The sinister South African Left has always craved corpses in the streets, which it had after the Church Street bomb, as well as its ill-fated march on Bisho. The cold-blooded murder of the three AWB men in Bophutatswana by a black policeman is still relished as the crowning glory of its achievement.

To see a white man begging for his life before an armed black (or a mob), represents the ultimate English-leftist fantasy. Farm murders, as well as the shooting of Afrikaner children like Kayla Rawsthorne, Danielle Esterhuizen, Willemien Potgieter, Alyssa Botha and others by roaming young black “freedom fighters” sates, at least for a few moments, the bloodlust of the colonial “Reds” in this part of the world.

Afrikaners (and moderate whites generally) should keep cool heads, but also be aware that even the continued existence of Afrikaans government schools inspires an ethnic reaction which can become dangerous if left unchecked. We have already seen at Heidelberg, Fochville and other places how seemingly placid communities may be swept up through racial and ethnic rhetoric, disguised as “anti-racism”.

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‘SA’ is for Sadists’ Apocalypse

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by Dan Roodt

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In a recent article in the Sunday Independent, Gillian Schutte mistakenly blames so-called “white conservative narratives” for the appalling sexual violence that is sweeping South Africa at present. As rape is notoriously underreported, most estimates put the number of such crimes at more than a million per year or approximately three thousand per day.

The macabre forms of dehumanising torture during farm murders provide another clue to the societal breakdown that is occurring in our country. Even calling it “our country” might be a malapropism in that Afrikaners like myself are no longer considered full citizens in an Afro-Saxon state that is slouching towards some incarnation of Mugabe’s Zimbabwe or, better still, Charles Taylor’s Liberia. This week, Taylor’s conviction as a war criminal was confirmed by an international court, the first head of state to be jailed for such crimes committed in Sierra Leone while he was in office.

South Africa has become a sadists’ apocalypse. No amount of “reframing”, circumlocution or leftist pseudo-intellectualism can disguise it any longer. Nor can the seemingly desperate massaging of the crime statistics. In the age of social media, people communicate their horror and despair at being captives in this, our “paradise of cruelty”. Policing our language as in the cowardly attack upon Louise Mabille is a poor substitute for the lack of policing elsewhere.

As the twentieth century has shown, utopias are always dangerous, be they fascist or communist. Every utopia has turned into its mirror image, a dystopia replete with genocide. South Africa’s pursuit of a racial biopolitics known as “transformation”, as well as extreme forms of cultural relativism, have unleashed hitherto unknown social consequences. In the domain of sexual violence at least, the country has earned the dubious title of “rape capital of the world” and it regularly tops international murder tables too.

Understanding the causes of this immense violence, unknown in peacetime, represents a rare analytical challenge. None of the usual explanations actually fit. The same people denouncing “colonialism” are the most accomplished colonialists in their slavish subordination to US or British racial discourse and political correctness.

However, neither Britain nor America has absorbed any significant African cultural influence so it is of no use applying the sociology of New York or London to an outbreak of sadistic violence in Limpopo province. It is risible to see ostensibly educated people constantly blaming either “apartheid” or “poverty” for the horrors and cruelties afflicting this society.

The retreat of Afrikaner power in South Africa has been coterminous with the resurgence of African belief systems, including witchcraft and ritual murders. In the early nineties South Africa experienced hundreds of killings associated with witchcraft and occult beliefs, leading to the Commission of Inquiry into Witchcraft Violence and Ritual Murders. We still do not understand the role that occult beliefs played during the revolution, especially in establishing hegemonic black politics and racial nationalism. The necklace, that symbol of revolution, is pregnant with ethnographic and cultural meaning. There is also evidence that young “comrades” intimidated traditional healers to extract money from clients and that the accusation of being a witch was used to eliminate political opponents.

Mrs. Winnie Madikizala-Mandela, that international heroine and former wife of Nelson Mandela, subscribed to the Maoist doctrine – ‘kill one, scare a thousand’ – that support is gained through terror and horror. She notoriously stated in 1986:

…with our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country.

A necklace killing whereby a tyre is placed around the victim's neck, filled with petrol and then set alight
A necklace killing whereby a tyre is placed around the victim’s neck, filled with petrol and then set alight

Child and even baby rape is another ghastly phenomenon indicating that South Africa has navigated to a new, alien moral code. Stating that white men sometimes do it in some other country too, hardly mitigates the particular horror that it has assumed here.

The British Guardian ran an article on 12 March 2009 entitled, “Raped and killed for being a lesbian: South Africa ignores ‘corrective’ attacks“. The Guardian’s website contains an accompanying video interview with lesbian rape victims, as well as young black men who are outspoken in their support of “corrective rape”. One of them says:

Me, I have no time to rape them, but if there are some of the other guys who want to teach them the way, they must rape them, they must rock them.

But perhaps white conservatives are a bigger problem: they might go to church or caution their children against drugs and sexual promiscuity, which would undermine the libertine morals that so many have advocated for so long in South Africa. In Hillbrow, as recounted to me by a former policeman, young white female drug addicts are employed as prostitutes by Nigerian gangsters. When they are no longer useful to their pimps, they simply get injected with heroine and pushed off highrise buildings in what gets officially recorded by the police as “suicides”. In South Africa, the crime reality show is so much better than the fiction.

The country’s academics are all but ignoring the scourge of rape, including infant rape, judging from the paucity of published articles in the field. To some extent they have acculturated to the witch-hunting culture in persecuting dissidents in their own ranks. Otherwise they engage in repetitive denunciations of “patriarchy” as if there were still a father left somewhere that has not been killed.

South Africa’s “transformed” universities have been turned into the “armed brothels” Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn spoke about when he said:

Rousseau is the grandfather of the concentration camps and also of those armed brothels that we continue to call universities. We have with us on one hand the Old Left, a finished product of L’éducation sentimentale, with its bent for social engineering and its tendency to identify its own plans and policies with the volonté générale; on the other the New Left which has taken up the slogan Retournons à la nature! exemplified in the rabble of unwashed, unkempt, debauched, unbridled ignoble savages who look to the Third World of the underdeveloped for inspiration. Its heroes are Chairman Mao with his Little Red Book, Ché Guevara, Ho Chi Minh, Holden Roberto, the Harlem criminals and the pistol-packing priests.*

That is why leftist university intellectuals find any form of criticism of traditional African culture to be inherently “racist” and eschew references to practices such as ukuthwala (the kidnapping and forced marriage of young maidens). Recent legislation has placed about 18 million black South Africans under so-called customary law in which such practices are legal.

Everybody in South Africa, whether white or black, fears a witch-hunt in some or other form. Especially the kind of witch-hunt whereby you are called a “racist”, lose your tenured university job and spend the rest of your life in ignominy. Therefore white academics are completely silent on ukuthwala or the so-called “virgin cleansing myth” if the professors do not actually deny in writing that such phenomena exist!

Here and there information filters through the iron curtain of political correctness. The only academic article worth reading on the “virgin cleansing myth” is that by Suzanne Leclerc-Madlala which appeared in The African Journal of AIDS Research in 2002 under the title,  “On The Virgin Cleansing Myth: Gendered Bodies, AIDS and Ethnomedicine“. It provides a fascinating glimpse into the psycho-sexual paradigm in which, as she puts it, “virgin cleansing is believed to have both a therapeutic and a prophylactic effect” (against HIV-AIDS). Raping a child or a disabled person is therefore seen as a form of AIDS prevention or cure.

But even the virgin cleansing myth obliquely alluded to by Dr. Mabille in her critique of insipid Western feminism does not go far enough in explaining South Africa’s journey upriver into the heart of darkness. We really lack the concepts to understand the enormity of what we are faced with.

Much of what passes for analysis of sex and culture in South Africa consists of rehashed hippie or New Left thinking from 1960s America. Get liberated, man, is more or less the gist of it. Call it Marcuse on Durban Poison. Repression or any form of “holding back” is invariably seen as “bad”. But sometimes repression might be desirable, even imperative. Freud was old-fashioned enough to advocate a balance between the pleasure principle and the reality principle.

The old Afrikaner government, while encouraging African ethnic identities, saw fit to suppress witchcraft and ritual murder by making it a criminal offence. Prior to becoming the first president of a united South African republic, Charles Robberts Swart introduced the Suppression of Witchcraft Act 3 of 1957. To the principled cultural relativist, the act – which is still on the statute books – is an affront and he would probably agree with the Marquis de Sade that “morality is just geography misapplied”, meaning that a crime in one culture is a harmless pastime in another.

One could even argue that the very structure of the South African political system is tending towards sado-masochism. Last Sunday the new CEO of the liberal Institute of Race Relations, Dr Frans Cronjé, argued in Rapport that whites should assume a far more submissive role in South Africa, lest they expose themselves to some form of collective revenge during a Second Revolution. According to Cronjé, such a revolution will be

…a violent, racist and destructive transition from a reconciling democratic state to a hostile, black nationalist state… After the Second Revolution, white South Africans will lose their homes, their jobs and their businesses.

Apart from exhortations to submissiveness, white guilt and even “vows of silence” à la Samantha Vice of Rhodes University, South Africa’s academic sycophants contribute little to our grasp of contemporary violence. In this respect, French literature is more instructive. Sade’s amoral theory of nature, of course. But also his notion of the sovereignty of sexual instincts that should not be tamed by any man-made law or religious scruple.

The Marquis de Sade had a disciple in the surrealist author Georges Bataille who espoused a theory of “transgression”. He took an interest in violence, punishment and eroticism. Bataille also collected photographs of Chinese executions which included horrific torture.

South Africa’s army of sadists regularly commit acts that shock a weaker Eurocentric sensibility. At the same time they are creating a world without limits, revelling in a new-found innocence that to them must represent the perfect freedom, the sovereignty of Sade’s libertine who pursues excess in celebration of pristine nature, a nature that punishes the weak and rewards the strong. To impose one’s will on a woman is also a gift of nature to all men. As Sade writes in Philosophy in the Bedroom:

If then it becomes incontestable that we have received from Nature the right indiscriminately to express our wishes to all women, it likewise becomes incontestable that we have the right to compel their submission, not exclusively, for I should then be contradicting myself, but temporarily. It cannot be denied that we have the right to decree laws that compel woman to yield to the flames of him who would have her; violence itself being one of that right’s effects, we can employ it lawfully. Indeed! has Nature not proven that we have that right, by bestowing upon us the strength to bend women to our will?**

Human rights or even a puritanical code such as feminism is not incompatible with sadism. As Bataille would argue, morality is needed for transgression to take place.

Sylvia Plath wrote in her poem “Daddy” that “Every woman adores a Fascist”. She was wrong. Every woman adores a sadist. Especially if she happens to be a feminist.

* Erik van Kuehnelt-Leddihn. “The Western Dilemma: Calvin or Rousseau?” in Modern Age, Winter 1971, p. 55.

** The Marquis de Sade. The complete Justine, Philosophy in the Bedroom and other writings, transl. RIchard Seaver and Austryn Wainhouse. New York: Grove Press, 1965, p. 319.

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Anti-racists are the new racists

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by Dan Roodt

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South Africa’s multiracial and multicultural society is exploding into a never-ending Kulturkampf or American-style culture war. Anti-racists are the new racists, spreading intolerance and even violence ahead of them with a megaphone, figuratively speaking. During the court appearance of a wine farmer, Mr Johnny Burger, the crowd in the Cape had been swept up into a lynch mob threatening to kill him on the spot. Police had to use pepper spray and a stun grenade to disperse them. Shades of the Ku Klux Klan? Except here the Klansmen are anti-racists.

Anti-racist intolerance is growing in leaps and bounds. In another recent incident, it led to the unfortunate resignation from Pretoria University of one of our praag columnists after Dr Piet Croucamp from the University of Johannesburg had accused her of hate speech. As I have commented elsewhere in an Afrikaans column:

“The media group Naspers and a small group of academics acting in bad faith and attacking others in the name of race, mostly for personal reasons, represent a danger to freedom of speech in South Africa.”

This afternoon I got an email from a friend saying that Mr Burger’s case reminded him of the notorius “Black Circuit” of the early nineteenth century. At the time a 1000 Cape farmers had to appear before a roving court to answer to trumped-up charges of murder, rape and assault. In the end, no-one was convicted and it was found that colonial English missionaries had colluded with local Khoi-San tribesmen to falsely accuse farmers of heinous crimes.

Contrary to our law, Mr Burger, accused of assaulting a Coloured child, was presumed guilty until his innocence could be proven. Two days ago, the Cape Times newspaper wrote about the case of Flippie Engelbrecht, the child concerned: “Those who brought the case to court charged that after the assault Engelbrecht had lost his sight, had epileptic fits, and because of this had rolled into a fire and suffered terrible burns, losing his hands.” In yesterday’s Cape Times, headlined Questions surround Flippie’s assault, “new evidence” came to light in the form of medical records showing that Flippie Engelbrecht had reported a “swelling on the side of his face”, which may have been a tumour, causing his epileptic fits and other medical problems. The same medical records contradict some of the dates advanced by the victim. However, in the meantime the wine farmer had committed suicide after his life and his business had been ruined by hysterical anti-racists pursuing him in the media, both traditional and social, led by the radical, Afrikaner-hating ex-lawyer (who was struck off the record as an attorney after dubious business deals and bankruptcy), Carina Papenfus.

So here we have two incidences of whites being subjected to histrionic public campaigns by so-called “liberal” anti-racists whose objectives have more in common with the Spanish Inquisition than with advancing the precepts of liberalism. Freedom of speech and even academic freedom in South Africa have been casualties of these campaigns, not to mention the two white victims, one committing suicide and another resigning her post and leaving the country, presumably for fear of being further persecuted.

Our universities are no longer places of learning but over-politicised shrines to political correctness and obtuse hatreds that are seemingly ignited by throwing a switch.

Volumes have been written on the cultural, linguistic, racial, anthropological, ethnic, ideological and religious divisions of South African society and I do not wish to dwell on the obvious. What concerns me more, is the apparent descent of people with nominal university qualifications into this kind of racial street fighting. They wield race and the word “racist” like a Cape Flats gangster brandishes his knife. Not so long ago, twelve schools had to be closed in that area as a result of gang activity and Mrs Helen Zille, the premier of the Western Cape, was calling for the army to be brought in to stabilise Manenberg.

Yet, ostensibly, we have more to fear from the pseudo-intellectual gangsters than from the drug-dealing, turf-warring criminals of the Cape Flats. Their influence on public discourse is far more insidious and destructive of the last vestiges of civilisation that remain in South Africa. They are intolerant zealots such as are to be found throughout history, wherever religious wars or ethnic conflicts have ignited and blazed.

Except for the Sunday paper Rapport, no-one seems to take Papenfus seriously. She waged a slanderous email and Twitter campaign against the hapless winemaker, apparently threatening and cajoling his customers into ceasing to order from him, with the intention of ruining his business and his life. Ms. Papenfus is a kind of cyber thug that replicates the intimidation tactics of petty gangsters in the public sphere. After all, as any mafioso or racketeer knows, a small business may be ruined by hitting one or two of its weak spots. Although she must have studied at one time for a degree or diploma, she has no intellectual pretensions. Her creed is simple: harass the whites. And being white and Afrikaans herself, but an ANC member, it is a case of être plus royaliste que le roi.

Papenfus is dangerous, but easily understood. The other two zealots who pounced upon the soft-spoken Pretoria woman philosopher, occupy positions of institutional power. Croucamp is a lecturer at the University of Johannesburg in political science and frequently appears on talk shows, both on radio and on television, wearing his trademark blue bandana. Schutte writes a column in the Mail & Guardian newspaper which is also avidly read by the “tenured radicals” at South Africa’s more than twenty universities.

Schutte was due to debate Croucamp’s victim on the topic: “‘Do white people have an obligation to withdraw from the public sphere?’ But as she stated in a subsequent column: “I am obviously not going to validate Louise Mabille’s hate speech by actually debating with her. Rather I will end by saying that she has presented a shining example of how whites should not participate in the public arena.  It is a good thing that Louise Mabille has handed in her resignation and that the University of Pretoria has accepted it.”

From Rhodes University, we have already had an opinion by Dr Samantha Vice that all whites, i.e. everyone of European descent, should take some form of vow to remain silent in public. So white guilt leads to the ultimate form of self-censorship, public silence.

Elsewhere, Ms Gillian Schutte describes herself, somewhat pretentiously, as a “feminist-neopagan-post-structuralist-deconstructionist-socialist” and she apparently has a Master’s degree in creative writing from the University of the Witwatersrand.

The one thing we can already deduce is that the mob outside the Cape courtroom who wanted to lynch Mr Burger at least believed in some form of dialogue. They were screaming, hurling abuse and gesticulating. With police intervention and protection, one could still call it communication.

Croucamp and Schutte want to reduce us to silence, however. Theirs is the monologue of totalitarianism, of censorship, of “There is only one truth and it is mine”. They pontificate in the name of power, the corrupt power that is ruling, nay, pillaging, South Africa.

It is therefore ironic that Schutte should describe herself as a “post-structuralist-deconstructionist”. Does she even know what she is referring to? The very basis of any “deconstruction” is the existence of more than one meaning, even the uncertainty, indetermination and radical plurality of meanings. Just over ten years ago a small group of us Afrikaner thinkers had a private seminar with Jacques Derrida, the father of deconstruction, at the École des hautes études en sciences sociales on the boulevard de Raspail in Paris. I remember Derrida as a modest, soft-spoken, amiable figure who reminisced about his single visit to South Africa. He liked Potchefstroom and even told me that “Heidegger would have felt at home there”. Derrida was full of gentle irony, self-doubt and respect for others, even the Other, as he so often termed it in his more political writings.

Schutte, by contrast, is a third-world ideologue, possessed by a terrible certainty. She has more in common with Robert Mugabe or Idi Amin than Jacques Derrida. Like so many others strutting about our campuses today, she has no real culture but the fad of the moment. The more politically correct such fads are, the better. Her meretricious pseudo-intellectualism has all the charm of Winnie Mandela’s expensive sunglasses and jewellery, being the brash expression of a corrupt and power-hungry soul. Ideas are but slogans, brands, to market yourself to another kind of mob to the one that wanted to lynch the Cape winemaker.

I have often thought that South Africa today has much in common with Nero’s Rome. Our country has become murderous, corrupt and decadent. Innocence has died. Approximately a thousand children are raped every day, including babies, and nobody says a word. Or if they broach the subject, they are immediately reduced to silence, given the ritual knife for disembowelling themselves. Schutte’s smug satisfaction (“It is a good thing that Louise Mabille has handed in her resignation and that the University of Pretoria has accepted it”) may be deconstructed to reveal two things: Schadenfreude and a paradoxical expectation of honour in others.

There is no English word for Schadenfreude, hence the German loanword that is universally used. However, the Afrikaans (and Dutch) term leedvermaak expresses the same thing, with a few more connotations (“signifieds” for post-structuralists) thrown in. The other day I tweeted in Afrikaans, something to the effect that leedvermaak is the apotheosis of journalism in South Africa. Vermaak also means entertainment, hence the misery of others, their travails amid hysterical accusations, calumny and vilification provide entertainment. Anti-racist Blitzkrieg, either on the vineyards of the Cape or on the campus of Pretoria University, therefore feeds the sensationalist mainstream media machine, sated on the blood of murder victims.

Celebrity "businessman" Kenny Kunene
Celebrity “businessman” Kenny Kunene

Due to the surfeit of murders in South Africa, people are becoming bored with news of another killing, no matter how ruthless and macabre. Celebrity murder, such as the Oscar Pistorius case, is still news, but not even serial killings elicit much attention. In a society as utterly cruel and corrupt as ours, we are in desperate need of frivolity, such as the camp antics of that incorrigible clown in drag, Pieter-Dirk Uys, or Kenny Kunene’s parties where guests eat sushi off the bodies of bikini-clad ladies.

South Africa is profoundly amoral. It lacks a moral or ethical code to define right and wrong. Someone like Baudrillard would say that this “lack”, in a psychoanalytical sense, creates a need for a kind of pseudo-ethics, a moral simulacrum.

This is where anti-racism comes in. Anti-racism is the simulacrum of our lost moral code. It is no coincidence that the objectionable sentence in Louise Mabille’s column contained references to both Calvinism and baby rape, the former marking the overtly Christian morality of the old South Africa and the latter epitomising the radical “freedom from all scruples” that characterises the new South Africa.

In this respect, Gillian Schutte, despite her evidently defective grasp of some basic philosophical and literary concepts, understands the “new amorality” well. In one of her “feminist” videos, a rape victim explains that the “cure” for the shame attached to having been raped, is to join the so-called “slutwalk”, ardently recommended by Ms. Schutte. By self-identifying as a slut, a woman is freed from the fear of rape and “forced sex” as it is euphemistically called. Miracle cures are to be found everywhere in South Africa, peddled by immigrant Nigerian pastors and indigenous witchdoctors alike. Not to forget the infamous “virgin cleansing myth” by which one may be cured of HIV-Aids by raping a virgin, including an infant, and which Louise Mabille alluded to in her column.

Gillian Schutte is also a champion of the word “cunt” which, according to her, should become part of our everyday discourse. As she puts it,

“When women finally reclaim and speak this word, its full potential will be released and women will repossess their collective cunt-power and rise up against misogyny and patriarchy with the absolute intent of ending it.”

Amid the universal amorality and Neronic decadence of South Africa, Schutte is clutching at ethical straws, more precisely: pubic hairs. Instead of simply affirming and enjoying the slutwalk, she opts for the simulacrum of the good, which has now turned out to be the “collective cunt-power” of women.

But there is no “good” anymore. South Africa is really living according to the famous maxim from Dostoyevsky’s Brothers Karamazov: “If there is no God, then everything is permitted.” As I intimated the other day, SA really stands for “Sadists’ Apocalypse”. Eighteenth-century French literature, specifically the writings of the Marquis de Sade, is all that we have to remotely begin to understand our baby rapists and farm murderers.

Apart from Gillian Schutte’s “cunt-power”, the other pseudo-morality that people desperately cling to is anti-racism. In our sadistic universe where nothing is wrong, some people imagine that racism is the one remaining sin. You may kill, rape, bribe, lie and steal, more or less with impunity, but uttering the word “Bantu” will earn you the opprobrium of polite society, that society which is now reappropriating the magical power of four-letter words.

The simulacrum of sin is transgression of anti-racist etiquette. That alone awakens some form of long-lost moral response which is delivered with predictable ecclesiastical ritual: denunciation, excommunication, prohibition, censorship. From the TV studio did Schutte, the high priestess of atavistic cunt-power and pagan ritual, deliver her sermon against what Orwell called thoughtcrime: “racist” thoughts and suspicions, including the mere mention of “baby rape”, which is a proven and documented phenomenon in this country.

Did Johnny Burger, the Cape winemaker, commit suicide to save his honour? In a country where “trial by media” and populist passions have come to influence courts and the judicial system, Burger probably correctly surmised that he would not receive a fair trial. His suicide reminds me of the death of the patrician Latin author Petronius who, having got wind of Nero’s henchmen being sent to kill him, preferred taking his own life while drinking wine and having musicians perform for him.

Thanks to Carina Papenfus’s hate campaign, no-one will ever drink Burger’s wine again.

Similarly to Burger, Louise Mabille fell upon her own sword and resigned. Understandably, there is despair and pessimism among the remaining class of thinking people in South Africa. We are outnumbered and outscreamed by those who are playing for the gallery.

However, notwithstanding samurai customs, there are other ways of saving one’s honour. On these shores, we have the example of the bittereinder, of someone fighting to the very, bitter end, against all odds.

Are we ready for that thankless struggle, knowing full well that we shall face calumny all the way? If reason be dead, can thought or the mind still withstand the mob, baying for our blood?

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